Mon woman lured to Malaysia, raped

By HURFOM

WCRP - (Rehmonnya): A woman from Mon State was repeatedly raped by a Burman man who had promised her a job at his guesthouse and clothes store on Penan island, Malaysia. The woman became pregnant to the man, and was then forced to abort the child.

In May 2008, the Burman man persuaded a 24 year-old single woman from Thanbyuzayat Township, to migrate to Malaysia to work in his store. Upon arrival in Malaysia, she was told that he could no longer afford to employ her. She was instead, everyday, held down with robes and raped by the man. “After three months of this horrendous abuse, she became pregnant to her perpetrator,” said her uncle. The man then forced her to abort her pregnancy using a medical treatment that caused her much physical pain.

The persecutor, a 46 year-old man, is married to the victim’s cousin. The man is from Rangoon and has two children. “He both rents out rooms and sells clothes on Penan Island,” said the victim’s uncle.

Faced with this ongoing abuse, the victim made repeated attempts to contact her family in Mon State. She eventually made contact with them. When her family learnt the totality of her abusive situation, they approached the wife of the persecutor, ordering her to release their daughter and threatening to “take the case to the New Mon State Party Township authority if she was not released.”

Only after extensive pressure from the victim’s family did the persecutor and his wife release the victim and send her to join relatives living in Mahachai, Samut Sakhorn Province, Thailand. When she arrived in Thailand her relatives found her to be both mentally and physically distraught. According to her uncle, “She received 20 days of medical treatment in the Mahachai hospital for injuries incurred through forced sexual intercourse, severe torture and a forced abortion.”

After receiving medical treatment, and gaining some strength, the victim was employed by a Shrimp Company in Mahachai, where she earned enough money to pay for her transportation to return home to Mon State.

In December 2008, her uncle confirmed that his niece had arrived home safely and that her family is contemplating legal prosecution of the Burman man.

READ MORE---> Mon woman lured to Malaysia, raped...

Police harassing Mon women legally working in Thailand

By HURFOM

(Rehmonnya) -WCRP: Thai police or men posing as Thai police are harassing migrant workers from Burma, say workers in Mahachi, Samut Sakorn Province, Thailand. Workers are arrested, sexually assaulted and made to pay bribes for their release regardless of whether they have visas or work permits.

In November, Thai police arrested Mi Su, 27, as she walked to work at 4 am. According to Nai Aie Lawi Mon, from the Labor Rights Promotion Network, the victim possesses a work permit but, unluckily, forgot it that morning.

“They took Mi Su to another location and ordered her to make a friend bring her work permit document. They told the friend to bring the document to one place and hid Mi Su in another place,” said Nai Aie Lawi Mon. “They searched Mi Su for money, but they didn’t see any so they took only her phone. If they found money they surely would have seized it.”

Also in November, a group of police arrested 3 women, from whom they seized 4,000 to 5,000 baht as well as molested. According to one of the victims, the group all had work permits. “Even though we held the legal documents, we were arrested and also sexually abused by them. They said that they were police, but they didn’t wear police uniforms,” said the victim, age 30. “We are mothers and have children, but the police touched our breasts and our bodies. I think not only us but also young ladies face sexual abuses like that.”

READ MORE---> Police harassing Mon women legally working in Thailand...

10-year-old girl raped by ex-soldier in Ye Township

By HURFOM

(Rehmonnya) WCRP: A ten-year-old girl in Han Gan village, Ye Township, was raped by an ex-soldier in December. The ex-soldier is under arrest after he escaped and was re-captured at the railway station in Ye Town.

The victim was staying at the perpetrator’s house along with approximately 50 other students attending evening tutoring sessions with his wife. On December 14th, the wife left to visit her parents in Moulmein. The children, unsure of whether she would return in time for the lesson, came to the home anyway to study and then sleep.

According to an account published by the Independent Mon News Agency, the ex-soldier picked the young girl up as she slept, carried her to his room, covered her mouth with his hand and raped her. The next day, he came to the victim’s home to tell her to attend the evening class again, though he kept his wife’s continued absence a secret.

The girl told no one of the incident at first, but her grandmother grew suspicious after the young girl acted strangely and appeared afraid of the perpetrator. “After I found out I immediately informed the Han Gan village Peace and Development Council and demanded they arrest and put him [the perpetrator] in lockup,” a WCRP source who spoke with the grandmother quoted her as saying. “However, he escaped from lockup but was again arrested and is in jail now.”

According to the WCRP source, the girl was taken to the hospital the next day, where doctors confirmed that she had been raped. “My girl was sent to the hospital for one day and doctor told us that she will be ok soon,” the WCRP source quoted the grandmother, who added that she is receiving free treatment.

The girl and her 3-year-old brother live with their grandparents because their mother and father are away working in Thailand. “Her parents don’t know yet and the grandparents dare not to tell to them. They feel ashamed and took her out of the school,” said the WCRP source. According to the source, the girl was an outstanding student in grade four. Last year, she won a second place prize for being an exceptional student and was aiming for first place this year.

The perpetrator, who is ethnic Burman, lived in Han Gan village because his wife is posted there as a government school teacher. He left Light Infantry Battalion No. 586, based in Kayen Kapo village, one year ago.

READ MORE---> 10-year-old girl raped by ex-soldier in Ye Township...

Households in Ye Township forced to supply truckloads of construction materials

(IMNA) -Households along the main road through Khawza Sub-township, Ye Township, Mon State, are each being forced to supply raw materials for road repairs, say local residents.

Beginning on January 1st, over 100 households along the short road have had to supply two pickup truck loads of stones for road repairs.

“Residents along the main road have been collecting stones from January 1st until now, ever since the head authorities at each quarter ordered them,” said a teacher from Khawza. In late December, Township Peace and Development Council (TPDC) officials met with authorities from quarters in Khawza and informed them that households would be required to supply construction materials. Quarter authorities then went house to house informing residents along the road of the demand.

According to teacher, each household has to invest as much as 32,000 kyat to provide the stones; 8,000 kyat for each load of stones and 8,000 kyat for the transportation in each truck. None of the households have been, or will be, reimbursed for the purchase of the stones or the time it took to deliver them.

Construction on the road has yet to begin, however, and villagers are unsure what the TPDC Chairman’s next step will be. Some surmised, however, that they would also be forced to help make the repairs. According to a public servant with the Khawza Development Affairs Office, which is responsible for road maintenance, area residents have a responsibility to develop their town and nation. It is not only the duty of the Department of Development Affairs, he said.

Unpaid, forced labor is commonly used to make road repairs in Mon State and Tenasserim, especially after the rainy season when the area’s mostly dirt roads are repaired.

Local residents were also forced to make repairs to the Khawza hospital. On January 13th, 3 carpenters were ordered to fix broken windows, mirrors and other minor damage in the building. They were not reimbursed for their time, labor or the purchase of necessary supplies.

READ MORE---> Households in Ye Township forced to supply truckloads of construction materials...

Burma's Human Rights conditions deepens in 2008: HRW

By Salai Pi Pi

New Delhi (Mizzima) – Burma in 2008 was one of the worse violators of Human Rights, when its ruling junta refused assistance to its citizens, faced with severe humanitarian crisis caused by Cyclone Nargis, said Washington-based Human Rights Watch in its World Report 2009.

The 564-page report said Burma's already dismal human rights record got worse in 2008 after the deadly Cyclone Nargis killed more than 84,000 and left 2.4 million people devastated.

"The biggest concern with Cyclone Nargis was the SPDC's delayed response to it by blocking assistance," David Scott Mathieson, HRW"s Burma consultant told Mizzima, referring the Southeast Asian nation's rulers by its official name – State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).

Despite the international communities' willingness to enter cyclone devastated areas to help survivors, the junta refused to entertain the requests for weeks, while pushing forward with its referendum on a draft constitution, which critics said was designed to legitimize and cement its rule.

Besides, Burma's military rulers have also been criticized by the report for randomly arresting dissidents and sentencing them to long prison terms.

The number of political prisoners in 2008 nearly doubled from what was over 1,100 in 2007 to over 2,000, the report said.

"Human rights violation in Burma has gotten worse and continue to be perpetrated by the Burmese Army and other armed groups called state paramilitary forces," David Scott Mathieson, Burma research of HRW told Mizzima.

The human rights violation in Burma includes Burmese regime's attack against the political opposition and arrest and sentencing of hundreds of political activists including monks, judges, journalists and other people, Mathieson said.

Since August 2008, Burmese military regime's courts had handed out harsh sentences ranging from 4 months to 68 years to at least 250 political activists on charges relating to involvement in peaceful demonstrations or freedom of expression.

A student activist Bo Min Yu Ko was sentenced to a total of 104 years in prison in early January in what is the longest term so far said the Thailand based Assistant Association of Political Prisoners (Burma).

Moreover, On June 4, 2008, the Burmese junta arrested several former political prisoners for their role in cyclone relief activities including prominent comedian and dissident Zarganar.

The report also said, child soldiers in Burma, despite international condemnation, is still being used in both the Burmese Army and non-state armed groups.

Another point that the HRW noted was the extension of the detention period of Nobel Peace Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's house arrest.

"SPDC's extension of her [Aung San Suu Kyi] detention is completely unacceptable. She had done nothing wrong. She should be release immediately," Mathieson said.

While human rights violations in Burma are rampant, the HRW term neighboring countries such as India and China as spoilers for ignoring the human rights conditions in Burma while engaging with the junta.

The HRW urged the United States' incoming president Barrack Obama and his administration to put human rights at the heart of foreign, domestic, and security policy, and also to push the spoilers - Russia and China – to take a pro-active role in addressing the human rights situation in Burma.

READ MORE---> Burma's Human Rights conditions deepens in 2008: HRW...

Indonesia may deport Burmese and Bangladeshi boatpeople

by Solomon

New Delhi (Mizzima) - Indonesia has indicated it is holding discussions to send back nearly 200 Burmese and Bangladeshi boatpeople, stranded off Sabang Island near Aceh province in early January, a Foreign Affairs Ministry official said.

Teuku Faizasyah, spokesperson of the Indonesian Foreign Ministry told Mizzima on Thursday that the ministry had sent an official to investigate into the boatpeople's situation and are now organizing a series of meetings with different government ministries on what to do with them.

"We sent an official last week to investigate and to verify their (the boat people) identity and the official has returned on Monday. We are now arranging meetings with several ministries to discuss what to do" said Faizasyah.

"Based on the information received I think the meetings will submit a recommendation on what to do with these people," he added.

On January 7, a wooden boat carrying 193 Burmese and Bangladeshis was seen stranded off the Sabang Island in northern Aceh province. They were then taken in by local authorities and an investigation was conducted to find out their identities, the official said.

The official said that all the boat people remain on the Island and are being taken care of by local people and the authorities.

"They [officials] had a meeting yesterday and the day before and I believe that there is sufficient information and we are just waiting for their recommendation," said Faizasyah, adding that a decision could be made by the end of the week.

The official said the foreign ministry had sent their staff members along with someone who can speak in Burmese because the boatpeople do not speak Indonesian or English.

The official said so far there has been no response from the Burmese Embassy.

READ MORE---> Indonesia may deport Burmese and Bangladeshi boatpeople...

Six opposition party members freed

By Phanida

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) - Burma's military junta on Wednesday released six members of the opposition party, who had been arrested and detained for two weeks, for staging protests calling for the release of detained Nobel Peace Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, a party official said.

Dr. Win Naing, spokesperson for the National League for Democracy said, six out of nine members, who were arrested for demonstrating for the release of party leader Aung San Suu Kyi, were released after they were made to sign pledges that they would not protest again.

"They were detained in Insein prison and were released after signing pledges that they would not protest. Their parents were also made to sign the pledges at the local township office," Dr. Win Naing said.

However, he added that three others – Htet Htet Oo Way (female), Tun Tun Win and Win Myint Maung – were still detained at the notorious Insein prison of Rangoon.

The youth, on December 30, after attending a political discussion at the party headquarters in west Shwe Gondine, marched through the streets demanding the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained for 13 of the past 19 years.

Police arrested the activists, as they arrived at the old parliament building (now defunct), and took them away to the 'Pan Wa' interrogation centre and later detained them at Insein prison.

"I think the rest might not be released soon, because the authorities would want to threaten them as well as others from conducting any more protests," Dr. Win Naing added.

Those released on Wednesday were MIn Thein from Thakethah Township, Thet Maung Tun, Pyih Pyih, Aung Phyoe Wai, Tun Tun Lin, and Kaung Htet from Sanchuang Township.

READ MORE---> Six opposition party members freed...

US hits Myanmar with additional sanctions

WASHINGTON (IHT-AP): The United States has slapped sanctions on what it says are key financial backers of the military-led government in Myanmar.

The Treasury Department said Thursday it has added two people and 14 companies to a blacklist. Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control says it has added 100 people and entities to its Myanmar sanctions. Myanmar is also called Burma.

The United States says its actions target "regime cronies" Zaw Zaw and Win Aung, their business networks and the business networks of two already-designated associates of the junta, Tay Za and Steven Law.

Zaw Zaw was described as the managing director of the Max Myanmar Group of Companies, which was said to have provided important services supporting the Myanmar junta. Win Aung was said to have made large financial donations to the junta.

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US slaps more sanctions on Myanmar regime backers

WASHINGTON (AFP) – The United States slapped additional sanctions against alleged key financial backers of the Myanmar military regime Thursday, citing the country's imprisonment of democracy advocates.

The US Treasury Department announced its Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) had added two people and 14 companies to its lists of sanctions targets for Myanmar, which the US government identifies by its pre-junta name of Burma.

"Congress and the administration have made clear the need to apply vigorous sanctions against the Burmese junta as long as it continues to suppress democratic dissent," said OFAC director Adam Szubin in a statement.

"The junta's imprisonment of prominent democracy advocates confirms Burma's unwillingness to abide by international commitments and underscores the need to maintain pressure against one of the world's worst violators of human rights."

OFAC has now imposed sanctions on 100 people and entities, "targeting key state-owned enterprises, senior junta officials, regime cronies and their business networks," the Treasury said.

The action freezes any assets the designees have under US jurisdiction and bars any US citizen from having any financial and commercial transactions with the sanction targets.

The latest move targets "regime cronies" Zaw Zaw and Win Aung and their business networks, as well as the business networks of two already-designated cronies of the Burmese junta, Tay Za and Steven Law, the department said.

Zaw Zaw was identified as the managing director of the Max Myanmar Group of Companies, a Burmese entity with interests in the gem, timber, construction, and tourism industries.

The Treasury targeted eight companies of the group and Zaw Zaw's Singapore-based company, Max Singapore International.

Win Aung allegedly made large financial donations to the Myanmar junta and has been a major support on construction projects. He was designated along with two of his companies, Dagon International Limited and Dagon Timber Limited.

The financial network of Tay Za, "a notorious regime henchman and arms dealer," was hit with a third round of sanctions.

Thursday's action targeted Espace Avenir, a Rangoon hotel owned or controlled by Tay Za, the Treasury said.

Also targeted were Sentosa Treasure Pte. Ltd., a Singaporean firm owned by Cecilia Ng, who was designated on February 25, 2008, along with her husband, Steven Law.

Nine firms that previously had been identified as being owned by Ng were also designated.

OFAC targeted Myanmar Ivanhoe Copper Company Limited (MICCL), a joint venture owned or controlled by the state-owned No. 1 Mining Enterprise, which was designated on July 29, 2008.

MICCL controls the Monywa copper project, the biggest of its kind in the country, located in Myanmar's northwestern Sagaing division, the department said.

The action came in the waning days of President George W. Bush's administration. President-elect Barack Obama is to be sworn into office Tuesday as the 44th US president.

The military-ruled Myanmar has been under international fire for years over human rights abuses and many citizens had fled the impoverished nation to neighboring countries, where they mostly stay illegally or apply for refugee status and seek resettlement in the West.

READ MORE---> US hits Myanmar with additional sanctions...

UN agencies team up on family planning for refugees in Thailand

Source: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)

BANGKOK, Thailand, January 15 (UNHCR) – Refugees along Thailand's border with Myanmar will be able to continue to plan their families thanks to cooperation between UNHCR and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).

The two UN agencies are collaborating to fill gaps in reproductive health care for the 111,000 refugees from Myanmar living in nine camps. A quarter of the refugees are women of reproductive age.

As an initial step, UNFPA on Wednesday handed over contraceptives to meet the needs of 8,500 current users and 400 new users for six months to one year. The UN refugee agency's private aid agency partners will distribute the supplies and provide related counselling, education and hospital referrals in four camps: Umpium, Mae La, Mae Ra Ma Luang and Mae La Oon.

"People's needs for voluntary family planning information and services do not end when they become refugees," said UNHCR Deputy Regional Representative Giuseppe de Vincentis. "We consider family planning and reproductive health a basic human right and UNHCR is committed to ensuring that all refugee needs are met."

The two agencies are also talking with the Thai government about long-term cooperation to address the needs of adolescents, whose access to information and services has been limited by cultural taboos.

"It is our hope that further collaboration with UNHCR will improve the predictability, timeliness and effectiveness of reproductive health information and service provision for refugees here in Thailand," said Garimella Giridhar, UNFPA's representative in Thailand.

By Kitty McKinsey
in Bangkok, Thailand

READ MORE---> UN agencies team up on family planning for refugees in Thailand...

Burmese Journalists Look Back at 2008—or was it 1984?

By SAW YAN NAING

Journalists in Burma faced Orwellian-type scrutiny and were subjected to imprisonment and intimidation throughout 2008 while exiled Burmese media groups were also attacked—via their computers.

2008 should have been a year when Burma’s reporters reached a worldwide audience. The country was constantly in the global spotlight—hundreds of political activists from September 2007’s monk-led demonstrations were imprisoned, the Irrawaddy delta was devastated by a killer cyclone and a junta-sponsored constitutional referendum was pushed through.

Yet except for the state-run mouthpieces, Burma’s private newspapers, journals and magazines were muzzled while their reporters faced summary harassment by thugs employed by the Burmese authorities.

At least ten journalists in Burma were detained last year. Some received prison sentences of up to 19 years.

Fortunately, there were no reports of Burmese journalists killed. Nevertheless, international media watchdog Reporters without Borders included Burma in its overview of persecution of journalists in the same breath as Iraq, Somalia and Afghanistan.

2008 was a year in which the officials of Burma’s notorious censorship bureau, the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division, found themselves pouring over pages of print with magnifying glasses and mirrors, looking for hidden anti-regime messages within the texts.

The measure followed a case in February when a poet, Saw Wai, published a verse in the weekly “Love Journal” which contained a hidden message mocking regime chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe. The poet was sentenced for two years.

Other bureaucrats scanned the Internet, moving to plug the flow of information.

The editor of a weekly journal in Rangoon who asked to remain anonymous told The Irrawaddy said that degree of censorship in Burma had increased from previous years.

He said that many articles submitted to the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division were rejected in 2008.

“Reporters in Burma have to be careful about every single word they write and speak,” he said, adding that they could be fired if the authorities didn’t approve of their coverage or found the material too sensitive.

He said editors and publishers in Burma often send expensive gifts to the heads of the Press Scrutiny and Registration Board in the hope of getting favorable treatment and speedy approval of their publications.

“Every editor here, at one time or another, has been reprimanded by the censorship board,” he said.

In August, Saw Myint Than, chief reporter for Rangoon-based weekly Flower News was summoned by police and rebuked for a story he and another reporter has written about the murder of a couple in Rangoon. The authorities do not approve of crime being reported.

In another case, a journalist at 7 Day News Journal was reprimanded by authorities after writing a story about the murder of five people in a house near the residence of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

He was sternly reminded that Suu Kyi’s name cannot be mentioned in the media—unless of course the article seeks to slander the democracy icon.

In spite of the risks and the threats, the salary for a reporter is only 35,000 to 70,000 kyat (US $30—$60) per month. Editors generally make about 80,000 kyat ($70) and a chief editor will take home 200,000 to 300,000 kyat ($170—$260) monthly.

“For a journalist in Burma, possessing a mobile phone and a laptop is like a dream,” said one reporter, adding that his expenses often exceeded his wages.

More than 30 local and national journals and magazines were unable to pay their license fees for 2008 and were forced to close down.

2008 also saw an intense campaign by the junta to target citizen journalists, bloggers and Internet users.

In November, well-known blogger Nay Phone Latt, 28, was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment for espousing anti-government rhetoric online.

Giving interviews to exiled media publications and radio stations is also a risky affair.

Burma’s best-known comedian, Zarganar, who has his own blogsite, was sentenced to 59 years imprisonment after helping cyclone survivors in the Irrawaddy delta. Shortly before his arrest he gave interviews to The Irrawaddy and radio stations overseas detailing conditions in the delta.

Meanwhile, exiled media in Thailand and India faced cyber attacks and difficulties in verifying information from inside Burma, while constantly juggling their legal status in their host countries.

Accuracy, verification and the inability to conduct field trips is the foremost practical challenge. Financial difficulties and cyber attacks compound the problem. Several Burmese journalists in Thailand and India have no legal status and are constantly worried about arrest and deportation.

In September 2008, several websites run by Burmese media groups in exile—The Irrawaddy, Mizzima, the Democratic Voice of Burma and Khitpyaing—came under repeated cyber attacks.

Three of the agencies were bombarded by a so-called “distributed denial-of-service,” or DDoS, which overloads Web sites with an unmanageable amount of traffic. The Irrawaddy site was forced to close down for a few days during the attacks.

The assistant editor of New Delhi-based Mizzima, Mungpi, said his website was attacked four times in 2008.

In September, he said, the Mizzima web site was hacked by a group calling itself “Independence Hackers from Burma.”

He said his reporters also missed deadlines and had to drop stories because they could not get confirmation from sources inside Burma due to poor Internet and telephone connections.

He also said that getting sufficient funding is a major problem.

Almost all exiled publications are non-profit and depend heavily on funding, which has to be renewed annually. As funding is scarce, many groups say that they cannot plan ahead.

Information Minister Kyaw Hsan speaks with journalists in Naypyidaw. (Photo: AFP)

Aye Chan Naing, chief editor of the Norway-based Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), said that verification is the biggest challenge for journalists in exile due to a lack of cooperation from Burmese authorities.

He said that many Burmese department staff hang up the phone as soon as he and his reporters identify themselves as working for the DVB.

Nine reporters for the DVB inside Burma were arrested in recent years. Six were given long-term jail sentences while the other three are currently awaiting trial.

Kyaw Zwa Moe, managing editor of The Irrawaddy, said the foremost problem for journalists in Burma is that the military regime forces journalists to impose self-censorship.

“I doubt that this dreadful situation will change as long as the junta rules the country,” he said.

Ethnic media groups in exile face even more obstacles.

Nai Kasauh Mon, chief editor of Independent Mon News Agency (IMNA) said that financial support and capacity-building for his reporters are major challenges.

But there’s a higher risk lurking at the Thai-Burmese border—the New Mon State Party and the Burmese army are camped out in the area and some of the IMNA reporters have regularly been threatened by unknown assailants while covering sensitive issues.

Many ethnic and Burman journalists who live close to armed groups along the border dare not report the ongoing conflict accurately for fear of retribution.

The editor of the Karen Information Centre, Nan Paw Gay, said that on top of the financial difficulties and threats, they are constantly losing human resources due to the UN resettlement program.

However, in spite of the challenges that the media inside and outside Burma face, they continue to tackle the issues and inform the public, playing a key role as watchdogs.

“We will continue doing what we have to do,” said Aye Chan Naing. “The regime can no longer block the flow of information about Burma—the advancement of communications is too sophisticated nowadays.”

The head of Washington DC-based Voice of America’s Burmese Service, Than Lwin Htun, concluded: “There will be no media freedom in the country as long as the rulers view the media as their enemy.

“The media is the eyes and ears of the people,” he said.

Additional reporting by Irrawaddy staff members inside and outside Burma.

---

List of 10 Imprisoned Burmese Journalists in 2008

Zaw Thet Htwe

Name: Zaw Thet Htwe
Position: Freelance sportswriter, former editor of First Eleven
Sentence: 19 years
Prison: Insein

Zaw Thet Htwe has received the longest sentence given to a journalist by the courts. He was arrested by Burmese authorities after returning from the Irrawaddy delta where he worked to help cyclone survivors with his friend, the well-known Burmese comedian Zarganar, by delivering aid and videotaping the relief effort. Burmese authorities seized a computer and cell phone in a raid at his home in Rangoon.

Name: Thant Zin Aung
Position: Video and photojournalist
Sentence: 18 years
Prison: Insein

Thant Zin Aung is serving the second longest prison term for a journalist. He was arrested at the Rangoon airport for trying to take out footage of the cyclone Nagris disaster to Thailand.

Thet Zin

Name: Thet Zin
Position: editor of Myanmar Nation
Sentence: 7 years
Prison: Insein

Thet Zin, 42, is an editor of the Burmese weekly journal Myanmar Nation. Burmese authorities confiscated his cell phone and video clips of Buddhist monks in a peaceful protest in September 2007. A report by Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, the UN special rapporteur for human rights in Burma, was also seized.

Sein Win Maung

Name: Sein Win Maung
Position: Manager of Myanmar Nation
Sentence: 7 years
Prison: Insein

Sein Win Maung, is the manager of Myanmar Nation. He was arrested along with his editor, Thet Zin, when Burmese authorities raided the publication’s office in Rangoon on February 15.

Name: Kyaw Kyaw Thant
Position: Freelance journalist
Sentence: 7 years
Prison: Insein

Kyaw Kyaw Thant, a freelance journalist, was arrested in June along with his journalist friend Ein Khaing Oo while they documented a demonstration by 20 cyclone survivors in front of the UN Development Program’s office in Rangoon’s Tamwe Township.

Ein Khaing Oo

Name: Ein Khaing Oo
Position: Reporter of Ecovision
Sentence: 2 years
Prison: Insein

Ein Khaing Oo, 24, a female journalist for the Rangoon-based weekly Ecovision, was arrested in June 2008 for writing about a protest launched by about 20 cyclone survivors in front of the UN Development Program’s offices in Rangoon’s Tamwe Township. Police say she intended to distribute photographs of the protest to overseas media.

Name: Khin Maung Aye
Position: editor of News Watch
Sentence: 3 months
Prison: Insein

Khin Maung Aye, the editor of the weekly journal News Watch, was arrested on November 5 by Burmese authorities along with one of the publication’s reporters, Htun Htun Thein, for publishing an article about corruption in the judicial system.

Name: Htun Htun Thein
Position: reporter of News Watch
Sentence: 3 months
Prison: Insein

Htun Htun Thein, a reporter on the weekly journal News Watch, was arrested by Burmese authorities on November 5 along with his editor Khin Maung Aye for publishing an article about corruption in the judicial system.

Name: Aung Kyaw San
Position: editor-in-chief of Myanmar Tribune
Sentence: detained
Prison: Insein

Aung Kyaw San is being detained in Insein Prison. No charges have been filed against him. He was arrested on June 15 along with 15 cyclone relief workers when they returned from the Irrawaddy delta after delivering relief supplies in the region.

His Burmese-language weekly journal was shut down by authorities and his family members are not allowed to visit him in prison. In 1990, he was jailed for more than three years for his pro-democracy activities, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma).

Name: Aung Thwin (aka) Aung Gyi
Position: Freelance journalist
Sentence: 2 years
Prison: Insein Annex Prison

READ MORE---> Burmese Journalists Look Back at 2008—or was it 1984?...

Two NLD youth members arrested - Htet Soe Lin and Thet Pain Min

(DVB)–Two National League for Democracy youth members from Dala township in Rangoon were arrested at their homes in the early hours of yesterday morning, according to party spokesperson Nyan Win.

Nyan Win said the Dala township NLD youth wing coordinator Htet Soe Lin and youth organising wing leader Thet Pain Min were arrested by about 20 Special Branch police officials from their houses at around 2am on Monday morning.

"We still don't know the reason for the arrests or any other details," Nyan Win said.

Reporting by Nan Kham Kaew

READ MORE---> Two NLD youth members arrested - Htet Soe Lin and Thet Pain Min...

When the Market Speaks

By YENI

(Irrawaddy News) -The sharp fall in oil prices on world markets has created a unique situation in Burma, where the cost of fuel on the black market is now lower than at government-controlled pumps.

Until the recent precipitous fall in world oil prices, the government was cashing in by rationing fixed-price fuel at state-run pumps while also attempting to control the flow of gasoline and diesel on the black market.

The sudden drop in world market prices by more than half has turned the system upside down. Today, the black market price for a gallon of gasoline is 300 kyat (US $0.27) lower than the 2,500 kyat ($2.20) charged at government-run pumps, while diesel is 400 kyat ($0.35) cheaper than the official price of 3,000 kyat ($2.70).

The official price of gasoline and diesel had remained unchanged since sharp increases at the state-run pumps sparked the demonstrations that led to the September 2007 uprising.

Burma’s “black” economy controls everyday life, where consumers contend with differences between state-decreed prices and black market rates for many basics, particularly fuel.

The military took advantage of the situation by selling to the black market while keeping rationing. Ordinary citizens are allowed only two gallons (nine liters) a day and often have to queue for hours at the pumps. Black market sources, on the other hand, were readily accessible—although at a price—and many found a handy means of income by dealing in this dark side of the Burmese economy.

Trapped in a spiral of rising costs by having to buy fuel on the international market in dollars and then selling it in the local currency, kyat, the regime’s Ministry of Energy dropped its subsidy on pump prices in 2007.

The junta undertook a partial "liberalization" of Burma’s energy market by allowing Myanmar Economic Holding, Ltd, which is owned by the military, and Htoo Trading Co, Ltd, which belongs to Tay Za, a close associate of leading figures in the ruling junta, to import fuel.

When oil prices on world markets hit $100 a barrel in early 2008, the regime again tried to control fuel sales. In May 2008, black market prices spiked at 7,000 kyat ($6.20) for a gallon of diesel and 6,000 kyat ($5.30) for gasoline.

In response to the impact on businesses, the regime authorized the formation of a “diesel committee” to ensure that companies operating heavy equipment had adequate access to fuel at reasonable prices. The committee, at that time, set the price of gasoline at 4,500-5,000 kyat ($4.00-4.40) a gallon and diesel at 4,600-5,200 kyat ($4.10-4.60).

Along with a dramatic decline in world oil prices in recent months, according to business sources in Burma, large amounts of lower-priced fuel are being smuggled into the country from China, India and Thailand, making it additionally difficult for the military to reap profits from its own artificially created black market.

Pressure is now increasing on the Burmese regime to free the country's fuel market from government price-control.

That should be a good news. Declining energy prices should lower other living costs and provide some much-needed relief to consumers.

Traditionally, the regime has shown little understanding of the dynamics of a market economy, looking instead only at short-term problem-solving. Now the market is starting to speak loudly—and this time the regime has to listen.

READ MORE---> When the Market Speaks...

Clinton Makes No Remarks on Burma

By LALIT K JHA

WASHINGTON (Irrawaddy)— During her Senate confirmation hearing, the US Secretary of State-designate, Hillary Clinton, made no remarks about her views on Burma, but praised first lady Laura Bush for taking up the cause of the people of Burma.

"Mrs. Bush has been outspoken on behalf of the plight of Afghan women, on behalf of Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma, and other women facing oppression around the world," Clinton said during the course of her nomination hearing at the powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Wednesday.

Except for this, there was no reference to Burma during the hearing convened by Senate Foreign Relations for the secretary of sate-designate. During the day-long hearing, almost all other aspects of the US foreign policy were discussed.

Clinton said that she intends to revitalize the mission of diplomacy in American foreign policy, calling for a "smart power" strategy in the Middle East. She implicitly criticized the Bush administration for having downgraded the role of arms control.

Clinton spoke confidently of President-elect Obama's intentions to renew American leadership in the world and to strengthen US diplomacy.

"The best way to advance America's interest in reducing global threats and seizing global opportunities is to design and implement global solutions. This isn't a philosophical point. This is our reality,” she said.

There were no questions on Burma from any senator on the committee and no remarks from Clinton on what the new administration's policy would be towards the Burmese military junta.

READ MORE---> Clinton Makes No Remarks on Burma...

Army officers lash out in karaoke bar

(DVB)–Two army officers from Light Infantry Battalion 15 based in Myin Chan, Mandalay division, lashed out at customers in a karaoke bar in ward 19 on 8 January after the owner refused their demand to hand over female singers.

A Myin Chan resident said police officers were present during the incident but did not intervene to stop the two men.

"LIB-15 sergeant Ko Tun Win and an unidentified army captain arrived at the New Life karaoke bar owned by a man named Ko Kyaw Htoo and said they wanted to have some of the girls who were working there as singers," the resident said.

"Kyaw Htoo refused their demand and said it would not be possible. The army officers went berserk after the argument and started breaking bottles and held people in the bar up at gunpoint," he said.

"Police corporal Than Myaing from Myin Chan police station 1 was on the scene with a group when it happened but did not try to stop them," he went on.

"Finally the two army officers left the place after loudly cursing the whole ward."

The Myin Chan resident said the police officers could have been afraid to intervene because a police private had previously been sacked after intervening in a fight between army personnel and locals at a pagoda festival.

"We want the police to do something. We don’t feel safe with these young army officials being able to do whatever they want in our community just because they have weapons,” he said.

“Now it's like the army can commit any crime they want and get away with it."

LIB-15 and the police station were unavailable for comment.

Reporting by Naw Say Phaw

READ MORE---> Army officers lash out in karaoke bar...

Burma's gem industry: profit that fills the generals' pockets

by Mungpi & Solomon

New Delhi (Mizzima) – To promote production of gems and jewellery, Burma's Ministry of Mines said it is allocating six blocks in three states to local entrepreneurs to mine gems, an official at the ministry said.

An official at the Ministry of Mines in Naypyitaw said, the six blocks, located in Shan state's Mongshu and Namhyar, Kachin state's Moenyin and Sagaing division's Mawhan, Mawlu and Hkamti will be leased out to private entrepreneurs for a three-year term.

"These areas are regular mining zones and we are giving out new blocks in these areas. Those who are interested can apply now," the official told Mizzima.

While Burma's military government by occasionally granting gem mining blocks claims that it is promoting domestic entrepreneurs, local residents in the mining areas said mining and the gem trade has largely deteriorated since the current batch of generals grabbed power in 1988.

A local businessman in Mogoke in Mandalay division, a mining town which produces one of the world's finest rubies, said, mining business has largely been monopolized by a few businessmen who maintain a close relationship with the junta.

"Even those (the announced) blocks will be dominated by some of the cronies of the junta, others will only get it if the sites are not producing much gems," he said.

He said, since the early 1990s, the junta has taken control over all gem mines and only permits companies to carry out mining in collaboration with government enterprises, popularly known as Oo Paing.

Since then, companies such as Shwe Pyi Aye, Lynn Yaung Chi and Kadekada, who have close relations with the ruling generals, have dominated gem mining and production in Mogoke.

While Burma's Ministry of Mines designates Mogoke, Mongshu, Lonkin, Phakant, Khamhti, Moenyin and Namyar as gem mines, Phakant of Kachin State and Mogoke of Mandalay division and Monghshu of Shan state are the most famous areas, where mining of gem is carried out on a large scale.

According to a veteran gem trader residing in Mogoke, with the mining industries solely dominated by junta's allied companies, most high quality gems are directly transported to Rangoon and Mandalay to be sold to foreign buyers.

He also insists that a part of the high-quality gems produced is also smuggled directly to China, Thailand and Hong Kong.

"The mining scene in Mogoke today has drastically changed. Earlier we could look for gems in 'Hta Pwe' but now the machines do the work and most products, specially the high quality gems, would not even be noticed by local traders," the trader said, referring to a local gem-bazaar in Mogoke town, known as 'Hta Pwe', where traders and local miners come to meet and bid.

Despite the big companies coming in to take control over mining, Mogoke, a town with abundant gems beneath, still holds the 'Hta Pwe' where small time businessmen and private, now illegal, miners still hold business meets.

Similarly, in Phakant in Kachin State, a town popularly known for its quality and abundance of jade products, with the advance of Oo Paings, most jades have disappeared from local businessmen only to be sold off to China, Hong Kong and other countries, through the borders.

But the business community in Phakant said a few of the products still reaches Rangoon to be exhibited in government sponsored gems and jewellery exhibitions.

The Burmese government has been conducting annual exhibitions in Rangoon since 1964, and later in 1992 extended it to twice a year by having a mid-year exhibition. Through these exhibitions, the junta earns millions of dollars. In October 2008, the junta said, it earned more than US $ 172 million from the sale of gems in such an exhibition.

But a long time jade businessman in Mandalay calculates that the junta's generals are earning much more from sale of gems mainly jade to China through the borders, which are then re-sold to buyers in Hong Kong and other parts of the world.

Burma, from its various gem mines across the country produces some of the best quality rubies and jades in the world, and also produces emerald, topaz, pearl, sapphire, coral and a variety of garnet tinged with yellow.

"If all of these precious stones and gems are made use for the development of the country, people won't be starving," the veteran businessman, who now resides in Mandalay, said.

READ MORE---> Burma's gem industry: profit that fills the generals' pockets...

Food Aid Starting to Reach Chin Villages

By LAWI WENG

The director of the Country Agency for Rural Development (CAD), a nongovernmental organization, says his group has handed out food aid to about 20 villages in Chin State, in an area that has experienced food shortages for about two years.

At least 70,000 Chin have faced food shortages after rice crops in Chin State were destroyed by a rat infestation and drought, according to NGO workers in Rangoon.

“There are thirty more villages where our aid hasn’t reached yet because of poor transportation,” said Joseph Win Hlaing Oo, the CAD director. He said the Burmese military government allowed aid groups to distribute rice starting in the middle of November 2008.

"We’ve started rice distribution under a food-for-work program, and we started two weeks ago," he said.

“They had no food when we arrived in some villages,” he said. “They try to borrow food from village to village. They promise to pay it back next year. That is how they survive.”

The 50 villages earmarked by the CAD group are near three townships, Haka, Lantalang and Matupi.

Joseph Win Hlaing Oo said an unknown number of additional villages could be experiencing food shortages. He said the CAD group can help only about 50 villages because of budget restrictions.

Many villagers cried when thanking the aid workers who handed out food, he said.

Ray Hay, a resident of Haka Township, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that other villages are receiving rice aid from other NGOs and religious groups.

A report by the UN World Food Program said 75 percent of the crops in the area had been destroyed by rats and 30 percent of the villagers surveyed had been forced to abandon their fields.

The rat infestation began two years ago in Chin State, sending hundreds of Chin to live near the Indian border where they sought to enter the country illegally in order to find work.

In September 2008, about 50 village elders from Chin State traveled to Mizoran on the Indian border to appeal for international aid to address the food famine. The Chin Union Council previously reported that 31 children had died from a lack of food.

Chin Union Council leaders based on the Indian border said the Burmese military authorities had banned ethnic Chin people from receiving food supplies donated by Burmese in foreign countries.

According to a Mizoram-based Chin relief group, the Chin Famine Emergency Relief Committee, about 100,000 of the 500,000 people in Chin State had experienced food shortages. The shortage began in December 2007. Many people were surviving on boiled rice, fruit and vegetables.

A famine occurs about every 50 years in the area when the flowering of a native species of bamboo gives rise to an explosion in the rat population, say experts. The International Rice Research Institute had warned of widespread rice shortages in the region.

READ MORE---> Food Aid Starting to Reach Chin Villages...

Abhisit Needs to Set a New Course on Burma

By AUNG ZAW

(Irrawaddy News) -Here’s some good news: Thailand’s new prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, says he shares the West’s desire for change in Burma.

Of course, that doesn’t mean that the Kingdom is about to impose sanctions on its recalcitrant neighbor. Because of its culture and geographic proximity to Burma, Thailand could not embrace such an approach, he explained.

The young prime minister was disappointingly short on details about what his country could do to bring about change in Burma, but at least he made a clear break from the policies of former PM Samak Sundaravej, who visited Burma a year ago and returned full of fulsome praise for his hosts.

Samak, who was widely regarded as a proxy for ousted PM Thaksin Shinawatra, infamously came to the defense of Burma’s brutal generals, describing them as pious Buddhists who pray and meditate every morning.

More importantly, Samak was intent on restoring Thaksin’s policy of highly personalized, business-based relations with Burma. Under Thaksin, Thailand’s Burma policy was driven by purely commercial considerations. The lack of transparency that characterized some of his deals with the Burmese junta was widely criticized.

Most Burmese now hope that Abhisit will be able to restore transparency and accountability to Thailand’s dealings with its troubled neighbor. But even if he succeeds in staying in office long enough to undo some of the more damaging aspects of Thaksin’s legacy, he will have his work cut out for him setting relations with Burma on a straighter course.

Almost from the moment the Burmese regime seized power in a bloody coup in 1988, Thailand has been deeply conflicted over how to respond to its neighbor’s problems.

In the immediate aftermath of the army’s crackdown on protests, Burma’s nascent pro-democracy movement enjoyed strong popular support in Thailand, which soon became an important base for thousands of anti-junta dissidents; even now, hundreds of exiles remain in the country, to the perennial irritation of Burma’s rulers.

At the same time, however, many in Thailand’s ruling class saw the bloodshed as an act of desperation by a military clique despised by the majority of Burmese and with few friends abroad. The government of late PM Chatchai Choonhavan wasted no time in exploiting this rare opportunity to win access to Burma’s resources in exchange for Thailand’s economic and diplomatic support of the regime.

For most of the past 20 years, Bangkok has pursued a policy of “constructive engagement” with Burma. Only during the two terms of former PM Chuan Leekpai has Thailand’s Burma policy been guided by principles other than economic self-interest.

In 1993, the Chuan government allowed Nobel Peace Prize laureates, including Tibet’s spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, to visit Thailand to lobby for the release of detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and to highlight the need for democracy in Burma. The regime in Rangoon was furious and the relationship was strained.

During his second term, from 1997 to 2001, Chuan took an even tougher stance toward the generals in Burma. He declined to pay an official visit to Burma and he put Thailand’s defense in the hands of then-Army Chief Gen Surayud Chulanont and then-Third Army Commander Lt-Gen Watanachai Chaimuenwong—two hawks who looked askance at their neighbors to the west. Gen Surayud was also known to be sympathetic to Burma’s ethnic minorities.

As a result, troops from both sides massed along the border, leading to serious skirmishes and repeated border closures. Relations were then at their lowest ebb.

All this changed when Thaksin became the prime minister in 2001. He quickly restored a business-based approach to relations with Rangoon. But after Thaksin was deposed by a military coup in October 2006, relations with Burma were put on the back burner.

Surayud returned to a position of influence, this time as Thailand’s interim leader, and Bangkok kept its distance from Burma.

Surayud condemned the regime’s bloody crackdown on Buddhist monks and activists in September 2007 and called for a concerted international process to deal with Burma, modeled on the six-party talks which successfully persuaded North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons program.

So what can we expect from new Thai government?

Thai Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya has indicated that the new Democrat-led coalition government in Bangkok would depart from Thaksin’s business-oriented Burma policies, saying that Thailand would now run “an ethical foreign policy.”

“We shall have no [personal] business deals with the [Burmese] junta; we shall observe human rights and environmental concerns; we shall treat Burmese as we do Thais,” he said at an academic conference on December 19.

Burmese who listened to Kasit via shortwave radio stations hailed the remark. But we all know that Thailand cannot afford to allow ties with Burma to sour too much.

In reality, Thailand is Burma’s leading investor and trading partner. Thai state-owned energy firms are the largest buyers of natural gas from Burma and Thailand has won a concession to energy from the 7,110-megawatt Tasang dam on the Salween River in Burma’s Shan State. The Thai-financed project has seen no progress to date.

Under Samak, the two sides also discussed a plan to build a deep-sea port in Tavoy in Burma’s southeast, for which the regime leaders reportedly asked assistance from Thailand.

Thailand and Burma can do more business in the future, but Abhisit’s government must also take the lead in pushing for political change in Burma.

There are several ways it can do this.

As a chairman of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), Bangkok can help to formulate a comprehensive policy to bring about positive change in Burma. If Thailand, in coordination with Asean, begins to make a move, China and India, the regime’s two major allies, will listen.

Abhisit has already indicated that his Burma policy is likely to involve a more proactive stance on human rights issues in the military-ruled country. In an interview with the Qatar-based Al Jazeera news network, Abhisit said that he would try to convince fellow members of the Asean of the importance of human rights to the international community.

Unless Asean’s efforts to enshrine human rights are credible in the eyes of the international community, “the grouping will not be able to achieve its objectives,” he said.

Abhisit, an Oxford-educated economist, can also help Asean and the West to find some common ground in their approach to Burma.

Thailand could, for instance, take a more active role in humanitarian relief efforts in Burma’s cyclone-stricken Irrawaddy delta, which have brought together a wide range of international participants focused on addressing some of Burma’s immediate needs.

Perhaps with this in mind, the Thai foreign minister has offered to help Burma coordinate fundraising for the reconstruction of temples damaged by Cyclone Nargis.

But Abhisit must also take care to ensure that Thailand’s efforts to rebuild Burma do not end with its temples. He should remind his Asean counterparts that Burma’s political system also needs to be fixed, and that the sooner that can be achieved, the better it will be for the whole region.

READ MORE---> Abhisit Needs to Set a New Course on Burma...

Burma’s Economy Feeling the Pain

By MIN LWIN

(Irrawaddy News) -Businesses in Burma are struggling to sell a backlog of stock buildup due to the global financial recession, which is undermining trading and the economy, said Khin Maung Nyo, a Rangoon-based economic analyst.

“Even though the financial crisis hasn’t affected the banks in Burma, because the banking system is not integrated with global banks, in trading a lot of businesses have been affected,” he said.

Business people at the wholesale Nyaung Binlay and Mingalar markets said consumers are not buying as much and as a result, manufacturing and commodity sales could decrease as much as 50 percent.

Many business sectors have been letting workers go because of falling orders due to the global financial crisis and lack of local demand.

“We reduced workers’ wages because we cut the normal working hours,” said one business owner in the Hlaing Tharyar industrial zone on the outskirts of Rangoon. “I am not sure how much I can control labor under these market conditions.”

According to statistics from the Ministry of Labor, there are 134,900 registered workers in 18 industrial zones in Rangoon Division. No statistics were available on how many have been laid off.

Burma’s garment industries have faced factory closures since September last year.

“Since the financial crisis, orders for new consignments have been reduced, and we will see a serious impact by the middle of December,” Myint Soe, the chairman of the Myanmar Garment Manufacturers Association, told The China Post on October 15, 2008.

The success of the country’s apparel industry is largely tied to global demand, so a fall in orders will lead to workers being dismissed and the closure of some production facilities, Myint Soe said in the report.

More than 100,000 garment workers have already been laid off at garment factories across the country, according to sources with the Myanmar Garment Manufactures Association.

Meanwhile, the powerful Burmese businessman, Tay Za, told senior officials at his Htoo Trading Company that the global recession has affected his businesses.

Tay Za, a crony of Burma’s junta chief Than Shwe, plays a major role in the Burmese economy. Htoo Trading’s business activities range from logging, tourism, hotels, air transport and construction to technological investment in Yadanabon Cyber City in Mandalay Division.

Htoo Trading, which is one of Burma’s largest timber exporters, has been hit heavily by falling global demand.

Burma businesses associated with tourism declined severely in 2007 and 2008 compared to previous years, following the 2007 September pro-democracy uprising and the 2008 Cyclone Nargis.

READ MORE---> Burma’s Economy Feeling the Pain...

Mark My Words - Mark Canning

Interview - The Irrawaddy News

British ambassador to Burma, Mark Canning, talks to The Irrawaddy about the role of the UN and Asean in Burma, the Cyclone Nargis relief effort and his expectations for the election in 2010

Question: How do you assess events in Burma in 2008?

Answer: It was a bad year on almost all fronts. It was especially cruel that on top of all their other problems, the people of this country had to cope with the devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis—but at least there we’ve seen some good progress. After a difficult start, relief reached those who needed it, a creative mechanism was established for overseeing the operation and a number of tricky problems were overcome.

Elsewhere, there was no movement, in fact quite the opposite. The UN secretary-general himself said very recently that the degree of cooperation between Myanmar and the UN had been unsatisfactory. There was no move towards any sort of dialogue between the government and the opposition. There was continued repression.

The number of political prisoners doubled, and more than 200 activists, who’ve done nothing but espouse peaceful protests, were given massive prison sentences. Aung San Suu Kyi remains locked away and prevented from playing the conciliatory role she could fulfil if allowed. The various concessions made at the turn of the year, like the series of meetings between her and the labour minister came to nothing. The population has been told to expect the introduction of “disciplined democracy” in 2010—they’ve seen plenty of the former but not much of the latter.

Q: Many critics, including Burmese both inside and outside the country, believe that Gambari’s mission has been a failure. What can he do to win greater credibility for his mission and to achieve political reconciliation in Burma?

A: The UN is playing a key role and we support it 100 percent. Dr Gambari has been working the problem extremely hard, but, as he and the secretary-general have made clear, the level of cooperation from the government has simply not been good enough.

There’s always been a tendency to criticise the envoy—you saw the same with Razali Ismail, you see it now with Dr Gambari, but that’s a mistake. It’s quite clear where responsibility lies for the lack of forward movement. The priority for 2009 therefore is to rebuild more solid international backing for what the UN is trying to do. The secretary-general’s personal engagement is a great asset and should help achieve that, and we hope very much to see him back here once conditions allow. We have now a clear assessment of where things have got to on which to build. It’s crystal clear there’s not been the kind of progress over the past 12 months which a number of countries claim to have seen. In fact, the situation has gone backwards and will continue to do so until there is clear and unambiguous backing for the UN. Issues like the release of political prisoners, rather than being internal matters, are central to what the UN is trying to achieve—political reconciliation.

Q: The UK played a major role in the cyclone relief operation—where do you see things going now?

A: The operation is going far better than we feared at the outset. The Tri-Partite Commission Group mechanism has proved a great success, and there has been excellent collaboration between the government, Asean and the UN. Most of the affected population is getting some form of support, a wave of secondary deaths has been avoided, and the operation has been instrumental in saving hundreds of thousands of lives. As you say, the UK has been the largest contributor, and we’re proud of that. Most of all though it’s been a fantastic co-operative effort which has involved a range of donors, agencies, and local and international NGOs, all of which has rested on the hard and innovative work of the three TCG partners.

Our ministers are now in the process of assessing what more we might do. Looking ahead, we—and I think most donors—hope to see the TCG mandate extended beyond July so that it can build on what’s been achieved. We hope also that in partnership with government, some of the underlying policy issues in the area of agriculture and livelihoods, that affect the ability of those in the delta and elsewhere to make a sustainable living, can be considered. There’s good work going on there too, but there’s probably more that could be done. The key point is that there’s no point bandaging the patient if you then send him back into the environment that helped cause the problem in the first place.

Q: Do you think that the “humanitarian space” in the delta can be expanded to other areas of the country? What makes you believe that this will be possible, and what obstacles do you foresee?

A: That’s certainly the hope of all of us who are involved in the operation. The Nargis operation has helped build confidence and trust between the government and the donor community. We’ve seen good co-operative working, and both local and international NGOs play a fantastic role. All this has been excellent, but, as you say, the rest of the country is out there and it’s important in coming months that collectively we start to raise our eyes from the delta to address some of the serious situations elsewhere. Whether we’ll succeed, and the environment will almost certainly be difficult and unpredictable in the period up to 2010, remains to be seen, but it’s essential we try to build on the gains and keep up the momentum.

Q: The UK has tended to take a hard political line on Burma. Why in this case were you willing to donate so generously? And how would you respond to sceptics who say that
aid organisations cannot operate effectively in Burma because of government restrictions? You recently asked the Burmese military government to increase its assistance to the Burmese people. Do you think that they have increased their aid to people who are in need?

A: We’ve always believed that, while the search for a political solution goes on, the people of this country should not be made to suffer further. We’ve steadily extended our humanitarian work in-country, particularly in health, but in other areas too, like livelihoods and primary education. Our role in the relief operation was consistent with this, and we hope that the success it’s enjoyed will encourage other donors to work in this country, which remains one of the most under-aided in the world.

To the sceptics you mention, I’d say that while this is not always the easiest of environments, good work can and is being done. The Three Diseases Fund is a good example. It’s delivering real health benefits to vulnerable populations, has benefited from excellent cooperation from the Ministry of Health and has at all times operated within the guidelines donors set at the outset. We very much hope to see more donors come in and are more than happy to share our experience with them. We hope to see the government’s contribution increase—that not only makes more funds available for the delivery of health, education, etc, but it also sends a signal of commitment that helps draw in new donors and encourages those already here to provide more assistance.

Q: Turning back to politics, what about Burma’s neighbours? Apart from the members
of Asean, what do you think other countries, such as India, China and Russia, can do to bring about positive change in Burma?

A: There’s a key role for the countries of the region. Everyone understands the intractable nature of this problem. There are no easy solutions, and it must be tempting at times, when the issue is on your doorstep, to give up on it. Regional integration is hard enough at the best of times, yet alone when one of the members is moving in the opposite direction in political and economic terms. For the members of Asean, the situation poses an obvious reputational challenge—at the very time they are launching the human rights charter, we have a member flouting the standards it is designed to promote and as the situation declines—and it will—the practical effects on the neighbours, are likely to become more pronounced.

The fundamental question for the region therefore is whether the course on which the government is embarked is going to deliver the sort of stability and prosperity they have achieved in their own countries? There’s very little evidence in my view that it is. Nobody is under any illusions about the scale of the challenge, and a number of countries in the region have been working to address it, but the key in coming months is to build a more unified backing for what the UN is trying to achieve. It’s essential that the government should constantly be reminded, by those that have influence, of the need for change and meaningful cooperation with the UN.

Q: There has been a great deal of speculation that Aung San Suu Kyi could be released this year. If so, what do you think she will be able to achieve?

A: Whether she’ll be freed we obviously don’t know, but she should be. She has made clear repeatedly her willingness to work with the government and other political and ethnic nationality forces to address the challenges this country faces. She has made clear her wish to work for gradual, stable, evolutionary change, and change which takes account of the interests of the many different parties involved, including the military.

The fact that she’s under house arrest suggests she’s regarded as a threat. But she’s actually an opportunity in the sense that she could be instrumental in helping to forge the sort of broad-based dialogue with government that is the only way that progress is going to be made. If she’s not allowed to play that role, then it’s difficult to see how this will be done.

Q: The regime has accused the British and other Western embassies of meeting with
NLD members. How do you respond to this charge?

A: We keep in touch with as wide a range of opinion as we are able. That includes government, as well as a range of other actors, and that’s very much the role of an embassy.

Q: How do you see Burma’s political landscape in 2010 and beyond? What is the UK government’s stance on the 2010 election?

A: The coming year will obviously be dominated by preparations for the elections in 2010, and we’ll presumably soon get some more detail of what the SPDC will allow in terms of participation. This can all represent a healing process, and a step on the way to resolving longstanding political difficulties—or it can be the opposite—as has been the case till now.

There’s clearly time to make the process more inclusive. We hope to see that happen. The European Union has always made clear that it is willing to respond to movement in a positive direction. Clearly, you can not have a credible electoral process without certain things happening—the release of political prisoners, engagement between government, opposition and the ethnic nationalities—and those are the criteria against which it should be judged.

READ MORE---> Mark My Words - Mark Canning...

104 Years Given to Political Dissident - Bo Min Yu Ko

By MIN LWIN

(Irrawaddy News) -A Burmese court sentenced Bo Min Yu Ko, a member of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (Upper Burma, ABFSU), to a total of 104 years in prison on January 3, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) (AAPP).

Bo Min Yu Ko, known as Phyo Gyi, in his early 20s, was sentenced by a special court in Obo Prison in Mandalay. He was arrested on September 18 and charged under different laws, including six charges under the Burmese immigration act, said the AAPP.

Bo Min Yu Ko’s 104-year sentence is the harshest punishment for a political dissident since the recent series of dissident trials which started in October 2008. He was not allowed to be represented by a lawyer, and his family was prevented from attending the trial.

“This is yet another harsh and cruel sentence handed down by the regime’s kangaroo courts,” said Bo Kyi, joint AAPP secretary. “The courts are not independent and simply follow orders from the regime.”

“Criminals sentenced on drug charges are often given relatively light sentences, but political activists are given very long terms of imprisonment,” Bo Kyi said.

Meanwhile, three other members of the ABFSU (Upper Burma) were sentenced by an Obo Prison court in late December.

Kay Thi Aung, 23, who is pregnant, was sentenced to 26 years; Ko Nyi was sentenced to 50 years; and Wai Myo Htoo was sentenced to 26 years, according to Tun Tun, an ABFSU member.

Since October 2008, Burmese military courts set up in prisons across the country have sentenced scores of political dissidents and their supporters on charges relating to involvement in peaceful demonstrations or freedom of expression. At least 280 political activists have been sentenced.

READ MORE---> 104 Years Given to Political Dissident - Bo Min Yu Ko...

Rights group calls on Thailand to change policy for boatpeople

Thai Navy holds Rohingya boatpeople where Navy keeps like dried fish and exposed to the hot sun

Kalandan Press

Chittagong, Bangladesh: A rights group, Refugees International (RI) from Washington, D.C called on the Government of Thailand to change their policy towards boat people, who have been recently entering their territory, through a press release yesterday.

The boat people are primarily stateless Burmese Rohingya escaping severe oppression and harsh poverty at home, but also include some Bangladeshi migrants. Both group board boats of varying seaworthiness with the aim of finding security and economic opportunity in Thailand and Malaysia, the statement said.

"The Government of Thailand should instruct its Army to desist from its new and troubling policy of pushing refugees and migrants intercepted on boats back out to sea which endangers their lives, and exposes them to the risk of capsizing or sinking," the statement said.

The Thai government is detaining them on a remote island and then forcing them back out to sea, statement added.

Thai Navy holds Rohingya boatpeople, and giving punishment like drying on hot sand

"The actions of the Thai government contravene accepted standards of international law that discourage putting civilians at greater risk after being in the custody of government officials. The Thai authorities should, at a minimum, revert to the practice of deporting undocumented migrants. Thai officials should also ensure that refugees seeking asylum are properly screened and are not forced back to their country of origin if it will put them at risk," the statement more added.

"The Thai government is taking highly vulnerable people and risking their lives for political gain. It should be engaging the Burmese government on improving conditions at home for the Rohingya if it wants to stem the flow. The Rohingya will continue to make the journey because they have no hope for a better life in Burma. Pushing them back out to sea is not an effective deterrent – it just jeopardizes lives," said Advocate Sean Garcia.

Thai Navy holds Rohingya boatpeople and tied with plastic rope on Navy

"The Rohingya are stateless and have no rights inside Burma. The Burmese government targets them for forced labour and extortion, and restricts their movement. The Burmese government's policy of actively displacing the Rohingya from their homeland means that any refugee who is forced back is subjected to arrest and abuse. Until the Rohingya are recognized by Burma as citizens, neighboring countries like Thailand must protect and assist this vulnerable population," he added.

"It was a sick and bizarre situation, and there appeared to be children in the groups as well. They were forcibly exposed to the hot sun although trees provided shade a few meters away. Some of the tourists went over to look at what was going on," said Mrs. Skibelig, who had her Christmas holiday in Similan Islands, Thailand, together with 20 other family members, is one of the eyewitnesses about the policy of Thailand regarding boatpeople.

"When we first arrived on the beach we thought the Thai military was going through a military drill. Later we understood that something very, very serious was going on," Mrs Skibelid explained to the Norwegian newspaper Dagbladet.no

The refugee (boatpeople) had been arrested and forcibly kept on the beach since 10 a.m. and were still lying there when the Norwegian travelers left in the afternoon, at around 4 pm. They also witnessed the guards hitting and kicking the refugees, she added.

Nearly 200 people (174 Rohingyas and 19 Bangladeshi) reached Indonesia's Sumatra island on a wooden boat on January 7, and after drifting for a few days were found by local fishermen and transferred to the coastguard where medical treatment and food were provided by the Indonesia government, according to local Navy Commander Yanuar Handwiyono.

Nurse helping a boatpeople in Indonesia

On January 4, 2009, a motor-boat carrying about 97 people returned to Shapuri Dip of Bangladesh, at about 12:30 pm, after Burmese naval forces from Rangoon Division pushed them back. The Burmese authorities provided the travelers with some ration and fuel, according to a person who returned from the Rangoon coast.

Towards the end of last year, the British "The Guardian" newspaper mentioned, "More than 300 people believed to be illegal migrants and mostly Bangladeshis were feared to have drowned. The accident took place off the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in the Bay of Bengal on December 28, as the victims jumped into the sea and tried to swim ashore."

"The men were mostly Bangladeshis and some Burmese nationals, aged between 18 and 60, who drifted through the Bay of Bengal, and we are trying to rescue the boatpeople with navy ship and helicopter," said authorities in Port Blair.

"To arrest people when they enter Thai waters then release them in international waters, without motors or sails, would clearly be a violation of international human rights,'' said Chris Lewa, a Bangkok-based social worker who is seeking better treatment for the Rohingya boat people.

Refugees International is a Washington, DC-based organization that advocates to end refugee crises. In November 2008, Refugees International staff conducted a mission to Bangladesh and Malaysia to assess the humanitarian conditions for Burmese Rohingya refugees, including boat migrants. There are approximately 1 million Rohingya living outside Burma.

READ MORE---> Rights group calls on Thailand to change policy for boatpeople...

Elected MPs’ lawyers denied access to court - Nyi Pu and Dr Tin Min Htut

(DVB)–Lawyers defending two 1990 people's parliament representatives, Nyi Pu and Dr Tin Min Htut, were denied entry to the courtroom at Insein prison special court yesterday.

Nyi Pu and Dr Tin Min Htut are facing four different charges including sedition and disrupting the national convention.

Central court lawyer Kyaw Ho said he had arrived in court at around 9am yesterday morning with fellow lawyers Maung Maung Latt and Sithu Maung to attend the hearing.

"We already have obtained all the necessary documents to act as defending lawyers for the two on 6 January," Kyaw Ho said.

"We filled out and submitted forms to gain entry to the courtroom but then we were told by the deputy prison chief and another official we were not allowed in," he said.

"I asked them whether it was the prison's decision to not let us in, and they said the prison had nothing to do with it and that it was an order from the special police's prosecution department."

Kyaw Ho said the lawyers had asked secondary provincial judge Tin Htut of western Rangoon provincial court, who was hearing the case, to help them negotiate with government authorities to gain access to the courtroom.

"It's the judge's responsibility to enable us to come to the court hearing; otherwise it disadvantages defendants whose lawyers are not present,” he said.

Relatives of Nyi Pu and Tin Min Htut who went to the prison to visit them yesterday were not allowed to see them due to the court hearing.

Reporting by Nan Kham Kaew

READ MORE---> Elected MPs’ lawyers denied access to court - Nyi Pu and Dr Tin Min Htut...

Singaporean Activists Detained after Protesting Burmese Migrants’ Plight

Plainclothes police officers keep watch and block a demonstration placard
by standing in front of activists (wearing red t-shirts) during
a two-man protest in Singapore January 12. (Photo: Reuters)
Blogger's Note: look careful and watch the "struggle and resistance" during the arrest,
also note that the activists are OUTSIDE the premises opposite to the
Minister's press statement.
The law is corrupted and this is the evidence to be presented in a closed doors court.

By LAWI WENG

(Irrawaddy News) -Two Singaporean activists were detained for five hours on Monday by police after they had protested outside the Ministry of Manpower in solidarity with Burmese migrant workers in the country.

Activists Seelan Palay and Chong Kai Xiong said they felt guilty because their government had refused to extend the work permits of two Burmese migrants who had protested outside the Burmese embassy last year.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy, artist Seelan Palay said, “We will go to jail for three months if we are found guilty. We have to go to court in two weeks.”

The two Burmese in question, Moe Kyaw Thu and Win Kyaw, had actively participated in demonstrations last year and when their work permits came up for renewal, they were denied on the basis of having police records.

“I will go to either Indonesia or Cambodia,” said Moe Kyaw Thu. “If I return to Burma, the government will arrest me.”

According to Moe Kyaw Thu, he has sent four letters of appeal to the Ministry of Manpower office requesting an extension of his work permit, but they were rejected. His work permit expires on January 27.

“The Singaporean government doesn’t want me to stay because I am a Burmese activist. They are afraid Singaporean activists will emulate our demonstrations,” he said.

Burmese migrants have held demonstrations several times recently outside the Burmese embassy in Singapore, including protests in May against the junta's insistence on pushing ahead with the referendum in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis.

The Singaporean government refused to extend the work visas of at least five Burmese migrants last year for having police records of for being involved in demonstrations.

According to Burmese workers in Singapore, the city-state hosts more than 60,000 Burmese, who mainly work as general workers or technical skilled laborers, while some are students.

Public demonstrations are not allowed in Singapore without a police permit.

The Singapore's Ministry of Home Affairs warned Burmese political activists not to ignore repeated police orders to stop illegal public protests in August 2008.

According to a report in the Singaporean daily Strait Times in August, a ministry spokesperson said that the rights of a foreign national to work or stay in Singapore is not a matter of entitlement or a right to be secured by political demand and public pressure, and the activists had repeatedly ignored requests from government officials to meet to discuss the group's conduct.

READ MORE---> Singaporean Activists Detained after Protesting Burmese Migrants’ Plight...