Burma Newscasts

Friday, July 17, 2009

Burma buys electricity from China

by May Kyaw

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – In an ironic twist, Burma is said to have bought 300 megawatts of electricity from the Sino-Burma border town of Ruili in China, to meet the energy requirements of its second largest city of Mandalay.

“Mandalay Division Electric Power Department Divisional Head, Daw Aye Aye Min said that they have sought electricity from China but they don’t know when it will be available,” an official at the Industrial Zone in Mandalay told Mizzima.

The electricity supplied from China will be distributed in both Mandalay Industrial Zone and the Mandalay urban area, which are currently receiving inadequate power supply.

The authorities said, once the electricity is supplied, Mandalay Industrial Zone, currently receiving five hours of power supply per day, will receive it for 10 hours.

The Mandalay Industrial Zone, where cars and vehicles are produced, has a demand for a minimum of 40 megawatt of electricity. But, it is suffering from a deficit of 20 megawatts.

To meet its electricity needs, the Mandalay Industrial Zone is said to be preparing to set up its own electric generation and distribution network at a cost of Kyat 300 million [approximately USD 300,000].

‘Sein Pan’, the industrial area, which was later turned into an industrial zone, over the past 10 years, received regular supply of electricity for the first three years. But later it came down to five hours a day.

“The power supply to our area is from 7 a.m. to noon for the first half of the day and from noon to 5 p.m. in the second half,” Myint Swe, the Chairman of the Industrial Zone said.

While the current electricity tariff is 50 Kyat per unit, it is still not clear how much will be charged for a unit of electricity, once power is bought from China.

Even as Burma buys electricity from China, it has signed agreements with Chinese companies to invest in 10 hydropower projects.

Despite the government’s claim that it will provide 24 hours electricity in 2009, all the cities including former capital Rangoon still face power cuts except newly built Naypyitaw, the jungle capital of Burma.

Even during the monsoons when electricity supply is normally high, residents of Burma’s former capital Rangoon, face shortage of power and receive it for only six hours daily. The city, under blackout, has to put up with sound and carbon pollution from private electric generators.

Chinese Hydroelectric power projects in Burma:

(1) Ye Ywa hydroelectric power project

(2) Paung Laung hydroelectric power project

(3) Salween hydroelectric power project

(4) Seven hydroelectric power projects on Irrawaddy River

Thursday, July 16, 2009

Junta under siege on two fronts

by Mizzima News

The SPDC – Burma's ruling junta – in preparing to switch to a puppet parliamentary democracy manipulated and controlled by the Army, faces two daunting political hurdles. The first obstacle is the global outcry to release political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who the junta wants to marginalize from forthcoming political developments. The other issue concerns attempts to transform ethnic armed groups presently under ceasefire agreements into Border Guard Forces or militias under the command of the Burmese military. Clearly, this is a challenging time for the junta.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon himself recently visited Burma in an attempt resolve the long-time political stalemate, but the Burmese generals responded to this pressure through a delaying tactic in announcing the forthcoming release of some political prisoners – without providing any specifics.

The three main objectives of Ban's visit to Burma, made on the 3rd and 4th of this month, were (1) to secure the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners (2) initiate a dialogue between the military and opposition forces aimed at national reconciliation, and (3) to create an atmosphere conducive for a free and fair general election in 2010.

Yet, he didn’t even get a chance to meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is being held in Insein prison, instead only receiving an assurance from the junta that there will be a free and fair general election. Who can imagine the junta will cheat and engage in vote rigging during the upcoming election?

However, concerning the generals, to think international pressure will ease following the release of some select political prisoners, out of a total of 2,100 currently being detained and certain not to include Daw Aung San Suu Kyi – who would easily win over people’s hearts and adoration immediately upon receiving her freedom, is a pipedream.

But the question of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is not the only seemingly insurmountable hurdle facing the junta, as they have also thus far failed to overcome the problem of integrating armed ceasefire groups into the national fold.

According to the new constitution, which was drafted by the generals' handpicked representatives and approved via massive vote rigging and cheating in a constitutional referendum, there must be one and only one armed force, operating under the central command of the state.

But, resorting to their typical delaying tactics, the junta, following the signing of ceasefire agreements with armed ethnic groups, abstained from working toward a viable political solution, arguing such matters are best left to be discussed later on with an elected civilian government. (JEG's: not later, before elections...)

As a result, at least seven ceasefire groups are resisting the junta’s plan of transforming their forces into people’s militias. Among them are included formidable fighting outfits such as the United Wa State Army (UWSA), Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Shan State Army-North (SSA-N).

The inability, then, to force their Border Guard Force plan onto ceasefire groups, in combination with the lack of any viable approach to address the issue of political prisoners – and most prominently the case of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, risks exposing the Army and its leadership to a good deal of humiliation.

Until these two issues are adequately addressed, any plans the generals wish to impose on Burma's populace with the holding of next year's general election remain is serious jeopardy.

Bangladeshi police attack Rohingya camp

(DVB)–Hundreds of makeshift homes belonging to Rohingya refugees in a camp near to the Bangladesh-Burma border were destroyed by “aggressive and abusive” Bangladeshi police, according to a medical aid group.

The incident was witnessed by staff working for Medicins Sans Frontiers (MSF), which provides medical aid to the estimated 300,000 Rohingya of Burmese descent who have sought refuge on the Bangladesh side of the border.

According to MSF, around 30 Bangladeshi police and officials arrived at the Kutupalong camp near to Cox’s Bazaar on 14 July and destroyed 259 homes.

“Other residents of the makeshift camp were told that they have 48 hours to clear their homes or they will be burnt down,” the statement said.

The Kutupalong camp is adjacent to a camp run by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. Officials taking part in the incident reportedly claimed it was being done to create a buffer zone between the two camps.

“The systematic use of intimidation, violence and forcible displacement against residents of the makeshift camp is absolutely unacceptable,” said MSF’s head of mission in Bangladesh, Paul Critchley.

“This vulnerable population has fled persecution and discrimination in Myanmar [Burma], only to be left unrecognized and unassisted in Bangladesh.”

In June, Thailand and Bangladesh pledged to help aid the repatriation of Rohingya back to Burma, where they have long suffered persecution at the hands of a government who don’t officially recognize them.

Their plight hit the headlines in January this year when around 1000 Rohingya refugees landed ashore in Thailand, only to towed back out to sea by Thai authorities. Around 550 were thought to have died.

The Burmese government has been reluctant to grant repatriation to Rohingya who had fled the country’s western Arakan state, claiming they would have to prove they came from Burma in the first place.

This would be almost impossible, however, given that Rohingya in Burma are denied legal status.

Reporting by Francis Wade

Kachin Reject Border Guard Force Second Time

By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy News

One of biggest ethnic ceasefire groups, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) again rejected the military junta’s border guard force plan and called for autonomy in Kachin State, according to a KIO report.

The meeting between the KIO and Burmese military officials led by Maj-Gen Soe Win, the commander of the Northern Regional Command and head of the transformation committee of the border guard force for the Northern Regional Command, took place in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State and the headquarters of the regional command, on July 8.

Representatives of the KIO told the Burmese that the KIO wanted to keep its military wing, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), under its current status and rejected having Burmese military commanders in its ethnic armed forces.

It is estimated that the KIA now has 4,000 to 5,000 men forming five brigades and one infantry division. KIA troops are stationed in both Kachin State and northern Shan State.

The KIO said that it wanted KIA troops to form a Kachin Regional Guard Force but not a border guard force in the future.

Apart from the border guard force issue, the KIO also called for autonomous power for the KIO in Kachin State by demanding “direct involvement” in the state’s executive, legislative and judicial powers after the 2010 election.

The KIO also rejected a junta proposal for the organization to become a political party for the 2010 elections.

The KIO said it is has been the sole Kachin people’s organization representing the Kachin for five decades, and it would difficult and confusing for Kachin people if the KIO were suddenly transformed into a political party for the election.

The KIO signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese military in 1994.

The July 8 meeting was the second attempt by the Burmese military to persuade the KIO to accept the border guard force plan.

At the end of April, Burmese army officials met with leaders of ethnic ceasefire groups, including the KIO, and explained the junta’s blueprint for transforming the armed forces of ethnic ceasefire groups into border guard forces ahead of the 2010 elections.

The KIO and other ceasefire groups voiced their disagreement with the plan at that time.

In June, Lt-Gen Ye Myint, who is secretary of the junta’s Border Guard Force Transformation Committee, visited controlled areas of the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) or the Kokang Army, and the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) to convince them of the border guard force plan.

The northern Shan Sate based UWSA, which is the biggest ceasefire group in Burma, the MNDAA and the NDAA rejected the plan a second time.

Analysts say the plan is to incorporate armed ethnic ceasefire troops into the Tatmadaw (Burma’s armed forces) with the aim of weakening ethnic armed groups in the future.

Under the plan, one border guard battalion would have 326 troops including 18 officers. There would be three commanders with the rank of major. Each battalion would have two majors drawn from ceasefire groups and one major drawn from the Tatmadaw in charge of administration.

Each battalion would have a general staff officer and quartermaster with the rank of captain drawn from the Tatmadaw. Company commanders in each battalion would be drawn from ceasefire groups.

Twenty-seven soldiers in other ranks, such as company sergeant majors, sergeant clerks, nurses, etc., would be drawn from Tatmadaw forces.

The deadline for the ceasefire groups to accept the plan was on June 30.

Related article: The Path of Pen or Sword?

Multimedia show from The Irrawaddy published on 4 February 2009.

Will Shwe Mann Become Mr President?

By THE IRRAWADDY

Snr-Gen Than Shwe has reportedly endorsed Burma's No 3 ranking general, joint chief-of-staff Gen Thura Shwe Mann, to become Burma's new president.

The move came during a recent cabinet meeting in Naypyidaw, according to sources.

"You are going to be president," Than Shwe reportedly told his subordinate.

Burma's No 3 ranking general, joint chief-of-staff Gen Thura Shwe Mann. (Photo: Getty Images)

According to sources close to the military elite, Shwe Mann, 61, will be nominated by the representatives of the military in the future Senate and House, to be formed after the planned 2010 elections.

The military will receive 25 percent of the seats at the village, township, state, regional and district levels in the new governing body, according to the 2008 Constitution.

There will be three nominees for the presidency—

one from the military contingent, (JEG's: but this is the winner :-) .. )
one from the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Assembly or Senate) and
one from the members of the Pyithu Hluttaw (People's Assembly or House).

The Senate and the House will then vote to choose the president.

Shwe Mann, a protégé of Than Shwe, has a reputation of being down to earth and a good listener, but he has yet to show his teeth with regard to a broad range of social, economic and political issues. His vision of Burma’s future is unknown.

Perhaps wisely, Shwe Mann has not shown any clear political or social views since he is still under the influence of two senior generals: Snr-Gen Than Shwe and Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye. In fact, Shwe Mann and his wife are close to Than Shwe’s family on a personal basis, such as flying together to Singapore for shopping trips, sources said.

"To deal with issues of national politics and the macro-economy, Shwe Mann would not dare make any final decisions without Than Shwe and Maung Aye," a source said. "Recently, he was officially invited to visit China. But in order to signify it was a very important visit, Napyidaw assigned No 2, Maung Aye, instead of him to go there."

Recently, Shwe Mann was the subject of extensive news coverage which focused on his secret mission to North Korea in November, which was leaked to The Irrawaddy. Since then he has had a low profile in Burma’s official press except for photo-opts of meeting with state guests such as UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and Singapore senior minister Goh Chok Tong.

Meanwhile, Shwe Mann oversees regular meetings on political and security affairs with high-ranking military officials in Rangoon and Naypyidaw.

According to the Constitution, one of the duties of the new president will be to head the National Defense and Security Council, which has the power to declare a state of emergency and nullify the Constitution.

Sources said that Shwe Mann will issue a state order that Than Shwe, Maung Aye and the remaining members of the ruling junta all be named patrons or advisers to the National Defense and Security Council after the 2010 election.

Speculation is rife that the junta leaders and their close associates are deeply involved in preparations for the 2010 election and beyond.

Army Officers Held Over Publication of Sensitive Material

By SAW YAN NAING
The Irrawaddy News

Ten high-ranking Burmese army officers have reportedly been arrested on suspicion of divulging to Western and exiled media news of a secret visit to North Korea by the junta’s No 3, Gen Shwe Mann, and photographs and video footage of tunnel construction in and around Naypyidaw.

The suspects, all holding the rank of lieutenant-colonel, will be court-martialed and face the death penalty if convicted, according to one of several sources, a former intelligence officer with close contacts to the seat of power in Naypyidaw.

Some suspected of complicity had gone into hiding, the source said.

In recent weeks, several photographs of Shwe Mann visiting the North Korean capital Pyongyang in November 2008 were carried by several media outlets, including the BBC, CNN, Al Jazeera, the Democratic Voice of Burma, and The Irrawaddy.

Photographs and video footages of a tunnel construction site in Burma were also carried by the media organizations.

Official sources said members of the suspects’ families also feared the consequences of the crackdown.

The Bangkok-based English language daily newspaper The Nation reported at the weekend that several senior Burmese officials had been sacked in recent weeks after publication of photographs of secret tunnels in Burma built by North Korean experts from 2003 to 2006.

In their investigations into the leaks, Burmese intelligence officials reportedly interviewed associates of former intelligence chief, Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, who was toppled in 2004.

The Nation reported that the authorities had also arrested several journalists thought to have had access to the sensitive material.

During his seven-day visit to Pyongyang, Shwe Mann signed a memorandum of understanding at the defense ministry with North Korea’s Chief of General Staff, Gen Kim Kyok-sik, to formalize military cooperation between the two countries.

Shwe Mann and his followers was also taken on a tour of construction sites where secret tunnels were being built into the mountains to house jet aircraft, missiles, tanks and nuclear and chemical weapons in Pyongyang and Myohyang.

China's secrecy laws are a secret

(SMH) -The options for Australian miner Rio Tinto, or indeed anyone, to help four employees detained in a Chinese state secrets investigation are limited, lawyers say, as laws leave great latitude to investigators and prosecutors.

Under China's sweeping laws, the health and even the birthdays of the current leadership are considered state secrets.

Almost anything else can be classed as secret, especially economic data, as China moves from a system where everything once belonged to the state to the current free-for-all where everyone scrambles for any advantage they can get.

Stern Hu, an Australian citizen, and three Chinese colleagues were detained this month for stealing state secrets to aid Rio in price negotiations for iron ore, which is used in steelmaking. At least one Chinese steel executive is also detained and the probe has reached many of the largest mills.

The murkiness of state secret laws puts foreign investors potentially at risk when dealing with state-owned entities and potentially sensitive economic information.

Australia's Prime Minister Kevin Rudd said yesterday the world was watching the case and warned significant economic interests are at stake.

The case has also raised concerns about rights under China's legal system that are more commonly heard from human rights activists than from businessmen.

"This case makes as clear as any does that business people also have human rights," said Jerome Cohen, a professor at New York University School of Law. "They ignore at their peril what are perceived as purely human rights cases, since, as this case illustrates, they can be next."

Consular visits

Chinese diplomatic protocol prevents Australian consular official from asking Hu about anything other than his physical welfare. After their first visit last Friday, Beijing is not required to allow another visit for one month.

During investigations, neither the defendant nor the lawyer have access to documents on which a case in based, and lawyers cannot challenge the "secret" designation, Cohen said.

Lawyers are often not allowed to see their clients until the state security apparatus has concluded the investigation and formally handed the suspect over for prosecution. That can take months, or even more than a year.

Defence lawyers in such cases themselves have a legal "obligation to guard secrets", said lawyer Guan Anping, who took on state secrets cases in the past.

Trials involving state secrets are held behind closed doors, and family members of defendants are barred.

The diplomatic fuss could benefit Hu in areas where Chinese authorities exercise discretion, for instance in allowing earlier access for his lawyer or increased privacy in consultations.

His three Chinese subordinates, and any Chinese executives caught up in the investigation, have far less protection. Rio could hire a lawyer for its Chinese employees, but not much else.

Article 111 of the Chinese code, which refers to illegally providing state secrets or intelligence to organisations or people outside the country, leaves a lot of room for interpretation. Sentences can vary from six months to death, and some foreigners have been expelled after conviction in the past.

"Intelligence" could include information that may be public in China, but considered embarrassing if aired abroad.

Exiled Uighur businesswoman Rebiya Kadeer, who China says was the mastermind behind ethnic riots in Xinjiang, was jailed for mailing newspaper clippings to her husband.

Chinese employees

Chinese-born foreign nationals are particularly vulnerable. Their language and cultural skills mean they navigate the Chinese system well but their loyalty is supposed to be to China first.

That poses a problem for the many multinationals who rely on Chinese employees to advise and carry out operations in China, recognising their ability to bridge foreign and Chinese cultures.

The Chinese business culture is additionally confusing because of the hybrid form of many state-owned companies, which are listed entities but also integral to a state-directed economic model that China adopted from the Soviet Union.

One legacy of the system is that a "state secret" can be in the hands of a commercial enterprise, and the cost of a raw material - such as iron ore - can become of national interest.

Reuters

Crime Rates, Begging, Mental Illness Increase in Sittwe

Dhaka (Narinjara): People in Arakan State have been facing an economic crisis that has contributed to increased rates of crime, begging, and mental illness across the state, particularly in the capital Sittwe, said a woman from the city.

She said, "The rate of beggars, crimes, and lunatics are increasing day after day in Sittwe, which is the outcome of the economic crisis in our state. I have never seen many beggars on the streets of Sittwe before, but now there are many beggars in Sittwe who are roaming the town to ask for food and other assistance."

According to a source, most poor people in Sittwe are working as rickshaw pullers but the daily earnings of rickshaw pullers is inadequate for their families' daily survival. The rental price of a rickshaw is also 700 kyats per day in Sittwe.

"In Sittwe, the number of rickshaws is higher than the number of travelers. The rickshaw pullers have difficulty getting money from the job. Sometimes, the rickshaw pullers can not pay the rental charge to rickshaw owners as they do not have enough money from working. So the family members come out into the streets to beg for food and money," the woman said.

The economy in Sittwe is not doing well right now and everybody is facing financial difficulty. Because of this, the rate of begging and crime have also increased in the capital.

"Most women in Sittwe now avoid walking on the street with jewelry because many robberies have taken place in Sittwe recently. In the last month alone, there were three day time robberies in Sittwe," she added.

Even though robberies are increasing in Sittwe, those who are committing the crimes have not been arrested by police and remain on the streets.

While crime and begging increase, mental illness is also increasing in Sittwe, with the majority of those afflicted being men.

U Tha Kyaw, a store owner, said, "Most of the people have lost their businesses in the Sittwe in the last two or three years. Many of them have turned to drinking alcohol after their livelihoods collapsed. They then lose their minds."

Another source said that some youths in Sittwe are engaging in drug abuse and some are also suffering from mental illness as a result of that abuse.

In Arakan State, the economy is getting worse by the day and no one has been left unaffected. Despite this severe situation, the military government has no apparent plan to help the situation or boost the economy in the state.

Asean test: New ‘boat people’ from Burma

By Leila Salaverria, Philippine Daily Inquirer

(Kaladan) - ON THE THAI-BURMESE BORDER—When the dogs start baying at night, fear begins to grip those living in a village in the west of Burma (Myanmar) where the Rohingya people live. More often than not, the howling of the dogs means soldiers are coming and one of the villagers will be taken away.

For the Rohingya, a Muslim minority in Burma’s Rakhine State and a people without a country, a peaceful night’s slumber is a distant dream.

“Even if you are not doing anything, anyone might report you. Every time you hear a dog barking, you don’t know whether the Army is coming to arrest you,” said Chris Lewa, head of the humanitarian group Arakan Project, which is fighting for the rights of thousands of Rohingya refugees who have fled Burma and found new home in neighboring countries.

The fate of the Rohingya has become a test for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean). Will the 10-member bloc, which includes the Philippines, be true to its pledge to be “a caring and sharing community?”

Escape from Burma

That’s one question Enayet Ullah, a 55-year-old refugee now living in the Thai town of Mae Sot, is asking.

Enayet escaped from Burma with his wife and their child in 1995 after an incident during the wedding of a friend which showed them that normal life was nearly impossible for the Rohingya in the military-ruled country.

Soldiers had barged into the wedding and grabbed the groom for his supposed political activities. Enayet tried to intervene, but ended up being a target of arrest himself. He hid and the soldiers beat his wife.

“In our place, if any government officers take action against the Rohingya, it’s no big thing,” Enayet said in a recent interview.

It isn’t hard to understand why thousands of Rohingya have been risking their lives to flee Burma aboard frail, overloaded wooden boats, Enayet said.

New ‘boat people’

What is difficult for him to understand is why the world seems to ignore their plight.

Their escape from political persecution brings to mind the migration of more than two million Vietnamese in the 1970s after South Vietnam fell to communist hands.

In January, Thailand’s military was accused of forcing boatloads of Rohingya back to the sea with little food and water on their engine-less boats. Some drifted to nearby countries.

The matter is now before the Asean.

Human rights body

In December last year, the Asean charter came into force embodying principles that call for the establishment of a human rights body.

Nongovernment groups have urged Asean to use its new mandate to act decisively to help persecuted peoples. Whether Asean, with its policy of noninterference in a member state’s affairs, will act at the risk of antagonizing member Burma, remains to be seen.

The Rohingya Muslims are a minority in the largely Buddhist country. Their dusky skin and other physical features make them look different from the rest of the population. They speak a Bengali dialect.

A 1982 law stripped them of citizenship, making them stateless. They are shunned by most Burmese, who view them as outsiders. Burma’s envoy in Hong Kong was quoted in news reports as describing them as “ugly as ogres.”

No travel, no jobs

They need hard-to-get permission to travel outside their village, depriving them of the chance to study or seek treatment in better-equipped schools and hospitals, Lewa said.

They also need permission to marry and are restricted to no more than two children. They are shut out from government jobs. Their lands are taken from them and they are subjected to forced labor, Lewa added.

She said the abuses had fueled the Rohingya exodus. Initially, they crossed the border to go to Bangladesh or went to the Middle East.

But recent travel restrictions have given them no other choice but to escape by sea on hazardous trips arranged by human smugglers. They usually flee to Malaysia but they have also turned up in Indonesia and Thailand.

No room for them

Indonesia said it would deport them, but later allowed the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to verify their status as refugees.

Thailand has convicted 66 Rohingya of illegal entry, saying they were economic migrants only looking for jobs.

Deporting them poses problems. Burma denies they are its citizens and refuses to accept them. Later, it said it would take them back but only if they said they were Bengalis. Bangladesh says they are not its nationals.

“This a test case for Asean … whether or not they will uphold the purpose and principles they set forth in the Charter,” said Sriprapha Petcharamesree, director of the Human Rights Studies at Mahidol University in Thailand.

Thailand cited domestic concerns for denying them entry. A deputy prime minister was quoted as saying that accepting 200,000 to 300,000 Rohingya would be a huge burden for Thailand.

Back to the sea, again

Petcharamesree said no state should abandon humanitarian obligations based on its own internal affairs. She said the Asean human rights body should tackle the Rohingya case, or “it would definitely be discredited.”

Debbie Stothard of the Alternative Asean network on Burma (Altsean) said the Asean policy of noninterference was a “red herring” invoked to escape state obligations.

However Asean moves, it will be October again soon, the waters will be calmer again, and Enayet’s people will again be braving the seas.

The sad thing is they’d rather face the dangers from the waves than spend more sleepless nights hearing the dogs howling at the moon again, Enayet said.

“They will be thinking, ‘If I stay, I die. If I jump into the sea, it’s the same thing. But if I can swim to this place at any cost, tomorrow I can help my family who are suffering.’”

(Editor’s note: This article was under the 2009 Southeast Asian Press Alliance Fellowship.)

Source: http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/inquirerheadlines/nation/view/20090715-215517/ Asean-test-New-boat-people-from-Burma , dated July 15, 2009.

Landmine casualties in Burma double

(DVB)–The number of people killed by landmines in Burma has increased in the last year while survivors face difficulties receiving adequate healthcare, said an anti-landmine campaign group yesterday.

According to the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL), the number of victims with no access to healthcare is “substantial”.

Burma is one of only 17 countries that abstained from voting on a United Nations resolution in 2005 to ban the use of landmine. Similarly, the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has not acceded to the Mine Ban Treaty.

The latest figures on landmine victims in Burma were collected by Landmine Monitor in 2007, and show a 90 percent increase from 2006.

International monitoring bodies have also said that the use of civilians as minesweepers, to walk in front of army patrols to prevent the unit taking the blast from a landmine, is prevalent.

“It’s been reported for years that they’ve been using prison labourers to walk ahead of the military,” said David Mathieson, Burma analyst at Human Rights Watch.

“Civilians in conflict areas are used depending on the army unit. [Minesweeping] is not a clear policy, it’s a practice, and so that depends on the unit or the commander.”

Landmine victims, particularly from Karen state, which is littered with mines laid both by the Burmese army and the opposition Karen National Union, often cross the border into Thailand to receive treatment.

“Around 60 to 70 percent of the landmine victims we receive are civilians,” said Dr Cynthia Maung from the Mae Tao clinic in Thailand’s border town of Mae Sot, adding that the figure “includes women and children”.

According to Landmine Monitor, 47 people in Burma died in 2007 from landmines, up from 20 the year before, although it warns that this figure is not conclusive. More than half the states and divisions in Burma are contaminated with landmines.

The only armed groups in Burma to have ratified the Mine Ban Treaty are “very small groups who probably could not afford landmines”, said Mathieson.

Non-governmental organizations such as Medicins Sans Frontier have withdrawn from Burma partially as a result of restrictions imposed by the government on access to landmine victims.

“I don’t really see that there have been any moves by the SPDC or the main non-state armed groups to eradicate the use of landmines,” said Mathieson.

“Most of them are heavily dependent on the use of landmines and IEDs [improvised explosive device].”

Reporting by Francis Wade

Prisoner amnesties only offer false hope

By Alex Ellgee

(DVB)–As Burma’s UN ambassador finished his brief interjection to the Security Council earlier this week, news headlines leapt on the pledge that Burma was due to release political prisoners in lieu of the 2010 elections.

The news sent a glimmer of hope across the world that Burma’s ruling generals had finally given in to international pressure. World leaders have said that an amnesty for the country’s 2,100 political activists currently behind bars is the only way to gain legitimacy before next year. Had Ban Ki-moon’s quiet diplomacy really stirred the hard-line generals into rethinking their old ways?

It is evident that the Burmese government fears the UN – Senior General Than Shwe is notoriously fearful of being brought to the International Criminal Court - yet it is unlikely that the junta leader would derail even slightly from his ‘roadmap to democracy’.

Releasing political prisoners is too much of a threat to the government’s planned election, which observers say is set to cement the continuation of military rule in Burma. The dissidents that remain behind bars are democracy fighters and leaders who could once again inspire the nation to reject the government’s sham elections and take to the streets in revolt.

The government’s indifference to the suffering of its opposition is palpable. Over 130 political prisoners in Burma urgently require medical treatment. Denied access to doctors, many are in life threatening conditions and forced to languish in prisons far from their families. It was only last month that the 140th political prisoner died in prison as a result of denied access to proper medical treatment. Salai Hla Moe was a prominent National League for Democracy (NLD) member and sometime security officer for Aung San Suu Kyi. His family was not informed about his death until their end of month visit when they learnt that he had been denied a traditional Christian burial.

Since November last year, 230 political prisoners have been transferred to remote prisons, unable to receive necessary medical treatment from their families. The objective is to silence them through both isolation, and more worryingly, death. If the government is serious about allowing prisoners to participate in the elections then these potential political leaders need to receive proper medical treatment immediately.

Perhaps most tellingly, the ambassador did not use the phrase ‘political prisoners’ during his speech. Burma has always denied that it holds political prisoners, instead that its only detainees are common criminals. Opposition groups and critics of the government are therefore dubious about whether any political prisoners will be released. The NLD spokesperson Nyan Win suggested that “the amnesty is not in response to Ban Ki-moon’s suggestions” and is “irrelevant to what was recommended”.

If it does turn out that political prisoners are released it is equally unclear as to what level they will be able to participate in the elections, especially so given that the election laws are yet to be announced. Free and fair elections require freedom to form political parties, but “participation”, in the words of the ambassador, could merely imply power to vote.

Over the last five years, four prisoner amnesties have released around 37,900 prisoners - only 120 of them have been political prisoners. The latest, in February this year following a visit by UN human rights envoy to Burma Tomas Ojea Quintana, saw the release of 6,313 prisoners, again supposedly on “humanitarian grounds” so that prisoners could participate in the 2010 elections. However, only 31 political prisoners were released, most of whom were already coming to the end of their sentences.

Prisoner amnesties have always coincided with increasing international pressure on the regime, and this time is no different. Ban Ki-moon expressed “deep disappointment” with his trip to Burma earlier this month, and suggestions have been made that China’s confidence in its neighbour is waning. Fear of Security Council action, which would see Burma enduring the same UN resolutions that North Korea has accumulated over the years, may have caused it to attempt mild appeasement. Indeed, following his statement, Than Swe told the meeting that “no Security Council action is needed”.

If the current political stalemate in Burma endures, there is no chance that Aung San Suu Kyi will be released in time for the 2010 elections. She is the junta’s most feared political leader and they know that her freedom could be the end of the constitution. Bo Kyi, joint secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma, stated that “The release of Aung San Suu Kyi would be the first step to show the world that [the SPDC] is serious about releasing all political prisoners.”

History shows, however, that amnesties are nothing more than a currency used by the generals to buy time and deflect international pressure. Yet one lesson can be learned from this – it is in the Security Council that Burma’s stubbornness starts to waver. The world should stop buying into false promises, and instead hit them when they are vulnerable. But for the time being, the longer the UN lets the generals play their mind games, the more political leaders will be allowed to die in Burma’s prisons.

Rio Tinto evacuate China staff after Stern Hu arrest

By by James Regan

(news.com.au) -RIO Tinto has evacuated staff in China involved in research of the iron ore and steel industry in response to the detention of some of its iron ore traders by state authorities, The Australian Financial Review has reported.

The unsourced report from Shanghai also said other foreign groups were moving employees out of China until conditions there become more certain.

Rio Tinto spokesman Ian Head said he could not immediately comment on the report, which said the unidentified number of staff were moved out yesterday.

Stern Hu, Rio Tinto's head of iron ore marketing in China, and three other members of the Shanghai-based iron ore team were detained in early July on suspicion of stealing state secrets.

Mr Hu, a Chinese-born Australian citizen, was accused of obtaining and passing on the Chinese industry's negotiating position, sources with knowledge of the circumstances have said.

Rio Tinto's China team carry out some negotiations and manage operational details of term contracts for iron ore, a key ingredient in steel making, as well as tracking market information. (JEG's: isn't this common practice on any new business? - but then China spies on anybody but we cannot investigate where we are to put our money in, China's one way internal affairs is meddling in others business)

Reuters

Constitutional Crisis over the Border Guard Force

By SAW YAN NAING
The Irrawaddy News

After the Burmese regime ordered the ethnic ceasefire groups to serve as border guard forces in recent months, the tension between the junta and its ceasefire militia groups has been growing.

Many interpreted the ethnic ceasefire groups’ refusal to accept the proposal as a rejection of the debatable constitution that was approved in the so-called referendum held a few days after Cyclone Nargis struck Burma in May 2008.

Kachin officers listen to a lecture on military and cultural affairs. (Photo: Ryan Libre)

Clause 338 in chapter VII, “Defence Services,” of the new constitution states that all the armed forces in the union shall be under the command of the defense services. It also states that the defense services, known as "Tatmadaw" in Burmese, is the main armed force for the defense of the union.

The junta’s recent move to transform the troops of ceasefire groups into border guard forces before the upcoming 2010 election is believed to be in accordance with the constitutional provision that armed forces must be under the command of the Tatmadaw.

Most ceasefire groups have disagreed with the order, preferring to maintain their current military status.

The border guard force plan calls for each battalion of the border guard force to consist of 326 soldiers including 18 officers. Thirty Burmese staff officers with significant roles in the command structure will be posted to each battalion.

Each battalion will have three major-ranked commanders. Of the three majors per battalion, the major in charge of administration will be drawn from the Burmese armed forces.

Each battalion would also have one general staff officer and one quartermaster, both drawn from the Burmese army with the rank of captain. Twenty-seven soldiers in the ranks, such as company sergeant majors, sergeant clerks and nurses, would be drawn from Tatmadaw forces.

Burmese observers said that this would allow the Burmese regime to monopolize the military wings of the ethnic ceasefire groups, giving them greater control in managing border security after the general election in 2010.

So far only the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army has accepted and signed the agreement with the Burmese regime to serve as a border guard force.

Seventeen insurgent groups have signed ceasefire agreements with the ruling generals since 1989, according to official Burmese reports.

The most powerful ceasefire group, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), totally rejected the order, while other ceasefire groups such as the Kachin Independence Army, and the Mon New State Party, also disagreed.

They fear that they will fall under control of the Burmese army if they transfer their troops into units of the border guard force.

In May, the leaders of the UWSA—which has some 20,000 troops—replied personally to Burmese Military Affairs Security Chief Lt-Gen Ye Myint, saying that they could not accept the order and that the UWSA would maintain its current ceasefire status.

The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO)—which controls about 4,000 troops—also disagreed with the order to form a border guard force under joint-command with the Burmese army.

Speaking with The Irrawaddy in June, Lahkyen La Ja, the general-secretary of the KIO said its armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), would only take up a border guard role when there was political change in Burma.

The KIO told the Burmese government that the KIA would prefer to form a state security force in Kachin State, northern Burma, instead.

Due to the disagreement, the Burmese regime is likely looking for alternative options in their attempts to persuade the ceasefire groups to accept the new constitution and subsequent 2010 elections.

After rejecting the order, the New Mon State Party leaders were asked by Maj-Gen Thet Naing Win, the Southeast Regional Commander in Moulmein, on June 7 to consider serving as a paramilitary group instead of being border guards.

The Burmese regime has been asserting more pressure on the ceasefire groups to transfer their troops to border guard force battalions, sending Burmese officials to ceasefire groups to persuade them to join the campaign. They have been unsuccessful so far.

Some analysts say the regime may have no option but to launch military action against ceasefire groups that refuse to reassign their troops to border guard force battalions. Others, however, are doubtful.

Htay Aung, a Burmese military analyst in exile, said, "The patience of Burmese military commanders is wearing thin because of the stand taken by ceasefire groups."

Meanwhile Rangoon-based ethnic leaders and Burmese politicians said the draft constitution is biased, as it was written by delegations hand-picked by the junta, and it lacked the participation of the ethnic leaders and the parliamentary representatives elected in 1990.

Thawng Kho Thang, a senior member of the Rangoon-based United Nationalities League for Democracy, said that the Burmese regime needed more time for the Burmese citizens to learn about the 194-page constitution. Numerous citizens are still unclear whether to support the constitution or oppose it.

Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese analyst on the Sino-Burmese border, said the Burmese military regime is unwilling to amend its constitution. However, it is also not prepared to launch military activities against the ceasefire groups that have disagreed with the order, he said

“This crisis regarding the constitution is not a minor one, especially as without NLD involvement in the process, it will become more serious,” said Aung Kyaw Zaw.

He also said that the Burmese junta might compromise with the ethnic ceasefire groups over the border guard force order, as the ceasefire groups also want to maintain their current ceasefire status.

If the Burmese regime compromises with the ceasefire groups over the border guard force order, would this lead to a review of the constitution?

Tuesday, July 14, 2009

Kawdut Headmistress' extortion

10th grade students have to give headmistress 20,000 kyat

WCRP (Rehmonnya): 10th grade students were required to pay 20,000 kyat to the headmistress in Kawdut village, Ye Township, Mon State, said a local source.

The families of the students who passed their exams were expected to each shoulder the fees; 31 of 60 students passed in March.

According to a teacher, the Kawdut headmistress said that, “this year we have to repair the school, so the students who passed the exam have to pay 20,000 kyat per each.”

Student parents became upset upon hearing about this request. One parent said, “The school is new and they built a stone school. We don’t see where the school needs repairs and why they said they have to pay for school repairs we don’t understand. In other villages, if the students pass the exam they are given a prize. We never see the other villages [pay as we do].”

The normal registration fee for the Kawdut village 10th grade students is 4,200 kyat; this cost does not include textbooks and other materials.

According to a teacher from a Mon school in Kawdut village, “when my brother attends grade 10th, we have to spend a lot of money for school costs. I may think, after 10th grade I don’t have to pay any [further] costs, but now I have to pay 20,000 kyat again. I cannot pay this money because I have no money to pay. This year is not the same as last year, because we have economic problems.”

As a result of continued economic strains, many villagers from Kawdut, a mainly agrarian community, have migrated to Thailand.

The excessive and oftentimes arbitrary school fees in Mon State have been widely reported by the Independent Mon News Agency. In a recent article they discovered that although the government education ministry claimed to provide free textbooks in Mon State, many still had to pay 3,000 kyat a piece.

12 Elders Face Charges for Repairing Bridge

Rambree (Narinjara): 12 village elders in Rambree Township in Arakan State are facing criminal charges brought by the township authority for rebuilding a small bridge in the village without permission of the local authorities, reports a villager.

He said, "12 villagers are now facing trial in the court after township chairman Aung Kyaw Zaw filed charges in court against them for reconstruction of the bridge in their village."

The village elders from Paradan Village in Sikon Village Tract in Rambree rebuilt a small bridge with reinforced concrete after the bridge was damaged. The bridge had collapsed on 5 June, 2009, after a group of cattle crossed over it.

"The bridge was rebuilt by the village elders with donations from local people, but there was no permission from the township authority for the bridge construction. The people are innocent and they did not know they needed to inform the local township authority of the bridge construction. So the people just reconstructed the bridge," the villager said.

When Rambree Township chairman Aung Kyaw Zaw heard the news, he became angry with the village elders because they failed to inform him of their plans.

Afterward, the chairman summoned the village elders to his office in Rambree to admonish them and forced them to sign a paper stating they had abused the law. "After signing, the township chairman charged took action against the village elders and charged them in court," the villager said.

Now the elders have been facing trial in court every week and have been unable to attend to their own agricultural work this rainy season.

Many of the public paths and bridges in rural areas of Arakan State have been renovated and constructed by local people with their own funds because the government fails to maintain the infrastructure as needed. It is rare for such legal action to be taken against villagers doing such work in Arakan State.

Deputy FM: Migrant workers are good people

By Hseng Khio Fah

(Shanland) -A representative of the Burmese military government, while meeting with Thai labor mister last Saturday said families of migrant workers applying for new passport documents under the national verification process will not be harassed, according to The Manager Online, 11 July.

On 11 July, visiting Burma’ Deputy Foreign Minister Maung Myint and Thailand Labor Minister Paitoon Kaewthong met in Phuket on regulations for the verification of Burmese nationals in Thailand and in Burma in order to allow them to reside and work as legal laborers in Thailand.

Thailand Labor Minister Paitoon Kaewthong and Burma’ Deputy Foreign Minister Maung Myint (Photo: manager online)

Mr Paitoon said, about 20,000 applications have been sent to the Burmese government. But only some 7,000 were issued passports. Using non-Burmese language in filling up the forms and providing false information on the applicants’ home addresses were cited as problems for the rest. (JEG's: generals' kids and elite attached to junta can obtain passports with false data, perhaps the rejections were used to generate passports for the corrupted in need of a passport to travel abroad and enjoy the benefits of the west without being sanctioned)

About 500,000 migrant workers are registered with the labor ministry. Since early this month, the provincial employment authorities have been calling on new migrant workers for registration. They will be asked to fill up the new nationality identification forms starting 15 July.

The passport issuing offices will be opening along the Thai-Burma border at Myawaddy, Tachilek and Kawthawng (Victoria Point). About 200 workers will be accepted per day. The visa fee on the Thai side will be 2,000 Baht per person. They will be allowed to work for another 2 years with another 2 years of extension.

There are at least 2 million legal and illegal migrant workers in Thailand. But there is no law to protect those migrant workers.

“After July, crackdown operation on illegal migrants will be conducted,” the report quoted the minister as saying.

Maung Myint during the meeting, said many migrants are afraid to apply for the national verification process because of rumors that we [local authorities] will use their information to persecute their families.

“The government will never do so because it believes that people working in Thailand are good people and their jobs are also legal,” the report quoted him as saying.

He continued that the Burmese government has been trying to solve the problem of illegal Burmese migrant workers in Thailand for about 5 years. However, it had failed to achieve it until now because of many difficulties; among those were language problems and inaccurate addresses.

At the same time, there was a two day meeting of provincial authorities, doctors and provincial employment authorities with over two hundred employers from Chiangmai province to discuss the national verification process, according to Nang Hern Kham, Shan Radio Program and Education Media in Chiangmai.

“Most bosses seems to have less interest in the process as they think it is a waste of their time queuing up for their turns and others are worried for the security of their workers,” she said.

Phanthila Kaewboonrueng from provincial employment department office said that Thailand will not interrupt internal affairs of neighboring countries, in reply to the question by an employer, “Who is going to take responsibility if workers’ families are persecuted by the Burmese authorities.”

In 2006, Thailand and Burma agreed to set up nationality identification centers for Burmese migrant workers. But the two countries failed to successfully implement the agreement, when news of junta authorities terrorizing their families coercing them to pay bribes, after using their personal information received through the work permit process, to find their relatives, were reported.

Residents scared, rumors abound in wake of impending conflict

IMNA, Rai Maraoh

As news has spread of the advancing Burmese army, fear and rumors run rife amongst area civilians and traders, as a major clash with the largest Karen resistance group looms.

The most recent round of fighting between the Burmese State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) forces and the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), against the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) took place around 8 p.m. on July 8th on a temporary camp near Tae Tone Lone. The camp is 12 kilometers outside Three Pagoda Pass, between Makate and Three Pagoda Pass (TPP).

After the recent fall of the Karen National Union’s (KNU) KNLA base, brigade 7, according to KNU sources, the SPDC and DKBA forces are advancing towards brigade 6 stronghold. Many residents and traders have reacted with fear to the increasing tension and militarization in the region, which has caused the spread of rumors among area residents, such as a rumor that close to 1,000 SPDC troops are advancing into the area. Concerns about safety in the face of the increasing military presence has in particular paralyzed trade along the Zami river, as traders are hesitant to approach the numerous checkpoints that along the river held by assorted armed groups, and the repercussions of being caught in the midst of the ongoing conflict.

“After the DKBA and the KNU were fighting in Tae Tone Lone camp, the boat owners couldn’t bring themselves to run their boats, so we also can’t trade,” said a trader from Three Pagoda Pass. “We’re afraid of the conflict between the DKBA and KNU, that’s why we’ve now stopped trading.”

On July 8th the SPDC combined forces with the DKBA to fight the KNLA at a brigade 6 administered checkpoint in the area near Tae Tone Lone camp, while on July 11th there were reports of DKBA forces opening fire on KNLA troops.

“Now we hear about the Burmese troops marching to (TPP) area, but they haven’t arrive yet,” said a source close to the Burmese authorites. “They will arrest residents to use as forced porters.”

On July 11th a rumor spread that SPDC forces had arrested 15-30 residents of Toung Wine area, outside of TPP, and needed about 800 more porters to successfully carry out their coming assault of the brigade no 6 base.

After the dual bomb blast in Three Pagoda Pass and the ongoing conflict between DKBA and KNU, SPDC troops from IB No. 32 based in TPP, now enforce a 10 pm curfew on the crossing into Makate forest. After 10 pm soldiers from IB No. 32 will not allow people to go outside town, according to a resident from Three Pagoda Pass.

“During in this day [Monday the 13th] about 7 soldiers from IB No. 32 deserted to join the KNLA, including one captain,” said a source in TPP. “Some people said that this is an unusual situation, and that it’s a Burmese army strategy to trick and blind side the KNU.”

Burma prisoner amnesty 'to avoid Security Council action'

(DVB)–Burma is setting in motion plans to release prisoners in lieu of the 2010 elections, said the Burmese ambassador to the UN yesterday at a Security Council briefing given by UN chief Ban Ki-moon.

The comments followed criticism from Ban Ki-moon of the Burmese government’s commitment to democratic reform after he was twice refused a meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi during his recent visit to Burma.

"At the request of the Secretary General, the Myanmar [Burma] government is processing to grant amnesty to prisoners on humanitarian grounds and with a view to enabling them to participate in the 2010 general elections," ambassador U Than Swe told the Security Council.

However, observers are concerned that the government is using the amnesty in order to avoid Security Council action.

“Whenever they receive strong international pressure the Burmese government always says they are preparing to release political prisoners,” said Bo Kyi, secretary of Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPP).

“We cannot believe their promise - they are just scared of Security Council action so they try to divide the international community and buy time.”

Than Swe did not however specifically state that those to be released are political prisoners. The Burmese government has repeatedly attempted to dodge criticism by denying that it holds ‘political prisoners’, instead that all of Burma’s prisoners are common criminals.

Similarly, Than Swe declined to comment on how many political prisoners would be released and whether the amnesty would extend to Aung San Suu Kyi, but said that the Burmese government will "implement all appropriate recommendations that [the] Secretary General had proposed."

As well as the release of political prisoners, Ban Ki-moon urged the start of dialogue between the government and opposition groups, and that elections next year be free and fair.

The Burmese government has previously granted an amnesty to prisoners following a visit by UN human rights rapporteur Tomas Ojea Quintana. Over 6,000 prisoners were released but only around 30 had been charged on political grounds.

According to AAPP, over 2,160 prisoners remain languishing in Burma’s notorious prisons, 472 of which are members of Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy party.

Reporting by Alex Ellgee

Junta fear UN chief’s influence on judiciary

(DVB)–UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon was denied a meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi during his visit to Burma because of fears that he could influence the courtroom, said Burmese state-run media today. :-) :-) :-)

Ban Ki-moon was twice snubbed over a meeting with Suu Kyi when he visited the country earlier this month, with the ruling generals claiming that the Burmese judicial system didn’t permit a meeting with someone currently on trial.

An article in the government mouthpiece New Light of Myanmar newspaper today however expressed “fear that his strong influence would have an adverse effect on the judicial system”.

“If the court comes to have sympathy to the accused, and pronounce an order to release her out of the influence of [Ban Ki-moon], such an imprudent order will have negative impact on the nation’s judicial system,” said the author, Maung Hmat.

Legal experts say however that Burma’s judiciary is under direct control of the government, and therefore the trial of Suu Kyi, which many label a pretext to keep her in detention beyond the 2010 elections, is likely to end in a guilty verdict.

A prominent exiled activist lawyer, Nyi Nyi Hlaing, says however that judicial independence is enshrined in Burma’s constitution.

“Even the legislative and the executive powers can have no influence on the judiciary, so how could one guest visiting our country have such an influence?” he said.

He added that the true motives behind Ban Ki-moon's rebuttal were questionable, given that Suu Kyi was allowed to meet with three diplomats from Russia, Singapore and Thailand during the early stages of the trial.

Briefing the UN Security Council yesterday on his Burma visit, Ban Ki-moon said that his refusal of a meeting with Suu Kyi was “not only a deep disappointment, but also a major lost opportunity for the country”.

The last contact Suu Kyi had with the UN was while she was under house arrest in February, when she met with UN special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari.

She reportedly told him that Ban Ki-moon should not visit the country, given that she "could not accept having meetings without achieving any outcome".

The UN has, since Ban Ki-moon’s visit, been criticized for its lack of authority in the country, with veteran Burmese journalist Ludu Thein Win calling it a “toothless tiger”.

However, Ban Ki-moon said his failure to meet Suu Kyi should not be the sole measure of how successful the visit was.

Reporting by Francis Wade

Ban Ki-moon talks of ‘a major lost opportunity’ for Burma

(DVB)–The UN chief yesterday briefed the Security Council on what had been “a major lost opportunity” for the Burmese junta to commit to terms set out by him on a recent visit that would kick-start democratic reform.

Ban Ki-moon delivered the verdict to Security Council members in New York following his two-day trip to Burma earlier this month, in which he came away with few concessions from an unwavering military government.

Reporting back on the visit, he said his three principal expectations, which included the release of all political prisoners and calls for free and fair elections next year, were “conveyed in the clearest terms”.

“The choice for Myanmar’s [Burma] leaders in the coming days and weeks will be between meeting that responsibility in the interest of all concerned, or failing their own people and each one of you,” he said.

Although the speech was littered with suggestions on what steps the Burmese government should take in order to meet the UN’s demands, it remains unclear what action will now be taken by the UN the apply pressure on the regime.

Spokesperson for the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party, Nyan Win, said that current diplomatic efforts by the UN were “bearing no fruit”.

“We expect the UN Security Council, those who have the authority, to come out with a decision in unison and be able to adopt a binding resolution [on Burma],” he said.

During the briefing, Burma’s ambassador to the UN, Than Swe, said that “the utmost had been done” to accommodate Ban Ki-moon’s requests.

He also said that the Burmese government “is processing to grant amnesty to prisoners on humanitarian grounds and with a view to enabling them to participate in the 2010 general elections."

It was not, however, explicitly stated however that the prisoner amnesty would include political prisoners.

The exiled National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma’s (NCGUB) ambassador to the UN said the Burma should not rely wholeheartedly on pressure form the UN.

“The UN will do what they need to do but its role in bringing change [to Burma] is only a part of the whole process – more relies on activity from inside the country,” said Dr Thaung Htun.

“We have to fight for our own rights. We have to keep this in our minds and work on what we need to do individually or as a group.”

Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw and Francis Wade

87-year-old opposition member imprisoned - Kyaw Khaing

(DVB)–An elderly member of Burma’s opposition National League for Democracy party who is said to be in declining health was yesterday sentenced to two years in prison under defamation charges.

According to his colleague, the 87-year-old chairman of the National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Taungok township branch in Arakan state, Kyaw Khaing, was denied medical care throughout the trial, during which he was “slipping in and out of consciousness”.

"He has been suffering from dysentery for the last three to four days and he had to be supported [on the way] to the court,” said Tin Thein Aung.

“Deputy police chief Tin Maung San would not allow him to be hospitalized,” he said, adding that the doctor refused to come to the courtroom but instead handed medicine to his son. (JEG's: Police harrassing the Doc?)

Kyaw Khaing was sued for defamation in June by his predecessor in the job, Than Pe, although Tin Thein Aung argued that the sentencing came about “because he is an NLD [member] and involved in politics”.

There are currently around 470 NLD members imprisoned in Burma, out of a total of 2,160 political prisoners.

The verdict arrived on the same day that Burma’s ambassador to the United Nations, Than Swe, announced that the government “is processing to grant amnesty to prisoners on humanitarian grounds and with a view to enabling them to participate in the 2010 general elections." (JEG's: which prisoners, common crims or political prisoners)

The pledge followed a visit to Burma earlier this month by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, who urged the release of political prisoners prior to the elections next year.

Ban Ki-moon reported back to the UN Security Council yesterday, and said that his denial of a meeting with imprisoned NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi was “a major lost opportunity" for the country.

'The choice for Myanmar's [Burma] leaders in the coming days and weeks will be between meeting that responsibility in the interest of all concerned, or failing their own people and each one of you,' he said.

It was not explicitly stated however that the prisoner amnesty would include political prisoners; in February this year over 6000 prisoners were released in a ‘goodwill’ amnesty by the government, although only 23 were political prisoners.

Reporting by Khin Hnin Htet

US, Britain and France Doubt Credible Election; China Calls for Lifting Sanctions

By LALIT K JHA
The Irrawaddy News

WASHINGTON — Three permanent members of United Nations Security Council—the United States, Britain and France—expressed skepticism that the Burmese junta will hold free, fair and credible general elections in 2010, while urging the military rulers to match their words with deeds.

China, on the other hand, which has been a strong supporter of the totalitarian Burmese rulers both inside and outside the Security Council, urged Western countries including the US, Britain and France to lift their economic sanctions on Burma.

“Now is the time for Burma to match its words with deeds,” said Rosemary A DiCarlo, the US alternate representative for special political affairs, following a Security Council briefing on Burma by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon at the UN headquarters in New York.

DiCarlo expressed US disappointment that the Burmese authorities refused Ban’s request to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi.

“By turning down this simple, straightforward request, the Burmese government missed a critical opportunity to, in your words, ‘show its commitment to a new era of political openness,’” she said.

Calling on the Burmese regime to free Aung San Suu Kyi immediately and unconditionally, she said the junta is clearly not respecting the popular will by putting the leader of the country’s democratic opposition on trial for spurious charges of violating her house arrest, which itself was illegitimate. “We are deeply concerned about these proceedings,” she said.

British Deputy Permanent Representative Philip Parham said Ban’s visit was an opportunity for the junta to transform its relationship with the international community which stands ready to respond positively to real progress.

“The regime’s failure to take this opportunity has only served to isolate it further. We can only hope that we may yet see progress in the coming days; it is not too late. But if it does not come, and if we see an unjust outcome in Aung San Suu Kyi’s trial, the international community will need to follow the secretary-general’s lead and respond robustly,” Parham said. “The onus is on the government to act.”

He said the generals heard the strong message the secretary-general delivered in Rangoon when he addressed ministers and the diplomatic and NGO communities.

“They can be in no doubt about his disappointment and the disappointment of the international community as a whole,” Parham said.

France called for stronger actions by the Security Council.

“The current impasse is no reason for the international community to do nothing. The council must respond firmly if she [Suu Kyi] is found guilty, but inaction must not be the price of its unity,” said Jean-Maurice Ripert of France.

Far from initiating a dialogue with political parties and ethnic groups, Ripert said the junta has unilaterally implemented a “road map” to democracy which had led to increased polarization.

In defense of the junta, Chinese Deputy Ambassador Liu Zhenmin said Ban’s failure to meet with Suu Kyi should not be the criterion to judge the success of the visit.

“Gen Than Shwe had not made arrangements for the secretary-general to meet with her, and the United Nations must respect that decision by a member state. During his visit, the secretary-general had held in-depth dialogues with top leaders and that would play an important role in encouraging the democratic process,” he said.

Liu said that Ban’s visit had been significant and its positive outcome deserved to be assessed fairly by the international community.

He said Burma’s problems could not be addressed in a Western manner, the junta should steadily reform and the international community should fairly assess the country’s challenges. ( JEG's: so the international community must be fair with the crims...)

He called for lifting the international sanctions against Burma, a necessary step for economic development. ( JEG's: magic words "economic development" the only concern of China, and for who's benefit will the lifting of sanctions be?, China and the Generals' pockets of course)

“Events occurring inside Myanmar [Burma] are internal affairs that should be handled by the government, as they posed no threat to international peace and security. China is against isolating and sanctioning Myanmar and its position in that regard remained unchanged,” Liu said. (JEG's: and when the Dalai Lama wants to visit us, then it becomes China's affairs who we invite for tea...)

A cursed treasure – ‘Jade Land’ Hpakant

by Mungpi & Solomon

New Delhi (mizzima) - While the world’s highest quality green stone, jade, continues to be a money maker for the military rulers of Burma, the precious gem has literally turned into a poisoned chalice for local miners in Hpakant in the absence of proper procedural safeguards.

According to initial reports at least 30 people, including miners, were buried alive in early July when a landslide occurred near Hpakant in Kachin State of northern Burma.

Local residents said the landslide was caused by heavy rainfall, which flooded the Uru River that flows through the mines. But others said the Uru River was disturbed by loose soil blocking the flow of the river, subsequently causing the flood. (JEG's: heavy drilling underground? close to the river? - could it be dams or tunnelling?)

Locals further said the death toll could be as high as 70 or more, with the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) saying the casualty tally has yet to be verified.

OCHA said at least 700 to 800 people were affected by the landslide, mandating the establishment of five camps for those displaced.

As water continues to inundate areas in Hpakant Township, locals added that flooding is also affecting several nearby towns including Seng Tawng and Long Khin, taking with it loose soil dumped from the mines.

Hpakant, which produces some of the world’s highest quality jade, is among the least developed towns in Burma, with no proper electricity, sanitation or drainage system and no clear policy regarding the disposal of loose soil.

Located in the tropical rainforest in northern Burma, the areas surrounding Hpakant were once thickly populated with green plants and trees. But the jade producing town today has become largely barren with few trees and little greenery to be seen, according to locals.

Local residents maintain that the mines do not provide adequate security for miners, failing to have in place any protective measures against potentially fatal disasters, including landslides and floods.

While the landslide in early July came as a shock, locals said they were not shocked by the sight of so many dead bodies, most of whom had innocently come to the area in the hope of becoming rich.

Life for common miners in the largely underdeveloped town is rough and fortune can be fickle. But, nonetheless, people from all over the country continue to arrive in search of a financial windfall that could permanently, or at the least temporarily, change their lives.

Yet sadly, most people fall drastically short of their hoped for dreams.

While some at Hpakant are simply killed by natural disaster, others end up drug addicts or infected with disease, including AIDS.

The least that can commonly be expected from working in Hpakant is a bout of malaria, which is often treated by inhaling raw opium in the form of a smoke – resulting in many miners becoming addicted to the drug.

“A lot of people come here and die because of drug abuse instead of fulfilling their hopes,” a businessman living in Hpakant since 1992 told Mizzima.

He said prostitution and drug abuse are normal sights in the town and in areas where mines are located.

“A lot of people do not know the limits to this and continue to stay, searching and waiting for their opportunity, but instead end up dying,” he said.

The ceasefire agreement between the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the Burmese junta, finalized in 1994, significantly altered the means to business in Hpakant.

Earlier, despite its many hardships, Hpakant was dominated by individual businessmen and fortune seekers, a few of whom actually did realize their dream in the jungles of northern Burma.

But following the truce, Hpakant saw a reordering of its business as the junta, who gained access to jade producing areas as part of the agreement, began opening up the area for corporate businesses to come in with their significant equipment and deep pockets.

The result was an influx of several new companies and players, mostly Chinese and doing the bidding of the junta. Additionally, the government began to introduce mining licenses, with people without a license suddenly finding themselves on the wrong side of the law.

Further, the price for a mining license is often quite high and it is almost impossible for a common miner to obtain, in accordance with the junta's preference to award contracts to large companies. As a result, many who previously relied on the mines for their livelihood found themselves with no means of income.

“Only the big fish survived,” a Myitkyina businessman told Mizzima.

While corporate mining has succeeded in greatly increasing the revenue of the ruling junta, it has also destroyed the environment.

Awng Wa, chairman of the Kachin Development Networking Group (KDNG) based in Kachin State, told Mizzima that the environment, particularly the forests, in Hpakant have changed – with most big trees already cut down and farms completely destroyed by big mining machines.

“The companies are using machines to dig into the ground in search of the green stone, doing it fast and leaving the lands unusable,” explained Awng Wa.

“It is almost impossible to find a tree in the area as the machines have uprooted villages, farms and mountain hills,” he added.

He warned that if things continue at this rate and no preventive measures are taken, there could be more floods, landslides and other natural disasters resulting in the unnecessary loss of additional life.

“The ruling junta is responsible. They are reckless, allowing companies to use machines and permitting them to destroy places without proper measures to protect the environment or even the lives of villagers,” Awng Wa said.

He added that while the junta reaps the benefits along with their close friends, the local people, who have been mostly expelled from jade mining in accordance with the new system, are left with piles of loose soil that are often washed away by rising river water.

Locals believe the number of deaths caused by the recent landslide may never be determined, as a lot of people live on such piles of loose soil and there is no proper registration of the people.

“This is not the first time, flooding occurs here every now and then. But this is one of the worst,” one local residing near the site of the disaster told Mizzima.

He said companies which have heavily invested in the search for jade and dig into the ground are dumping loose soil on the course of the Uru River, blocking the flow of water and enhancing the risk of heavy flooding.

Another reason for the threat of devastating landslides and floods, according to locals, is companies have altered the flow of the Uru River as they have discovered that there is a potential jade mine beneath the river.

“Since the river’s course is altered, it often causes floods when the water level grows higher, resulting in more loose soil being swept away and landslides,” said Awng Wa.

“Still today, the water is inundating the Maw Wan, Hpakant Gyi and Seng Tawng areas,” a local said.

Awng Wa said before the ceasefire the risk of environmental degradation in Hpakant was much less, as local miners used their bare hands to dig into the ground in search of jade and other precious minerals.

Ever Winner, Myanmar Dagon and Share Family are the most powerful companies operating in the area, each with strong ties to the ruling junta. The companies are headed by Chinese and own several mines each, with the government having a 40 percent share while the companies hold 60 percent.

“Chinese owned companies are the strongest and most powerful here,” a local resident, who worked for one of the companies, told Mizzima.

Besides prostitution, as a quick means to earn money, Hpakant is also a safe haven for drug dealers. However, both prostitution and drug dealing, or even running a casino, do not go unnoticed by the local authorities, who demand bribes to keep silent.

A local resident said before the 1994 ceasefire, people coming to Hpakant, whatever job they might take, typically did not leave empty-handed.

“But now, people are thrown out of the mining business and many have become prostitutes or drug dealers,” he explained.

However, with financial life getting harder to manage in other parts of the country, Hpakant is still a popular destination for many people. And it often is difficult to determine the number of people working in the mines at any one time, as there are is no process for worker registration.

“It might never be possible to know the true number of casualties from the landslide in July because there is no registration of the number of people, and death in this part of the world is too common,” a local lamented.

He said the government has done little to help the people in solving problems, leaving individuals to fend for themselves.

UNOCHA in Rangoon has appealed for humanitarian assistance for victims of the landslide and called on humanitarian groups to provide food, water and shelter.

But the government of Burma, so far, has made no public announcement of the disaster, which is believed to have killed at least 70 and affected over 700 more.

A local remarked, “There are so many incidents of mine workers dying due to disasters, but no one knows how many people die, who they are or how they died. And the government has never rendered any help.”

He said, in Hpakant, people only know the government for their collection of money, never even contemplating that the government should, and could, help in alleviating their daily struggles.

Burma preparing to free political prisoners

by Mungpi

New Delhi (Mizzima) - Military-ruled Burma has said it is preparing to release some political prisoners in order to allow them to participate in the 2010 general election, a part of the junta’s roadmap to democracy for the Southeast Asian nation.

The announcement was made by the junta’s United Nations Ambassador, Than Swe, during a session of the UN Security Council and following a briefing by the world body's chief, Ban Ki-moon, on his latest visit to the country.

“At the request of the Secretary-General while in Myanmar [Burma], the Myanmar [Burma] Government is processing to grant amnesty to prisoners on humanitarian grounds and with a view to enabling them to participate in the 2010 general elections,” Than Swe told members of the Security Council.

But Than Swe did not mention how many political prisoners will be released and whether the country's most prominent political prisoner, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, will be included.

Ban Ki-moon on Monday briefed the Security Council on his two-day visit, July 3-4, to Burma, during which the country’s military leader, Than Shwe, refused him a meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi.

Ban said he was not only "deeply disappointed" over the General’s refusal to allow him a meeting with the detained pro-democracy leader, but also labeled his visit “a major lost opportunity for Myanmar [Burma].”

Ban said that during his visit he specifically proposed that the junta release all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, resume a meaningful dialogue between with the opposition and create conditions conducive for credible and legitimate elections.

If the above issues are left unaddressed, Ban said, it could undermine any confidence in Burma’s political process.

Speaking to reporters in New York after his briefing to the Security Council, Ban said he told Burma’s Senior General that without releasing Aung San Suu Kyi the junta’s planned election in 2010 cannot be credible.

“I urged Senior General Than Shwe that this election should be fair and free, but also legitimate, inclusive and credible. To be credible and legitimate, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners should be released,” Ban said.

“I emphasized that without the participation of Aung San Suu Kyi, without her being able to campaign freely, and without her NLD party [being able] to establish party offices all throughout the provinces, this election may not be regarded as credible and legitimate,” he added.

Ban said he conveyed his message of the international community’s expectations for Burma in the clearest terms possible, relating that it is now up to the junta “to respond positively in their country's own interest.”

He added the Burmese people will bear the cost of any lack of engagement and cooperation by their Government with the UN and the international community.

“That is why Myanmar's [Burma's] leaders have a responsibility, not only towards their own people, but also towards you as members of the international community, to respond to the proposals I made on your behalf,” Ban told the Council.

“The world is now watching closely whether they [the junta] will choose to act in the best interest of their country or ignore our concerns and expectations and the needs of their people,” he remarked.

Following Ban’s briefing, the United Kingdom, United States and France said Burma should match their words with deeds and called for stronger action by the Council.

France’s representative, Jean-Maurice Ripert, said, “The current impasse is no reason for the international community to do nothing. The council must respond firmly if she [Aung San Suu Kyi] is found guilty, but inaction must not be the price of its unity.”

But China, a long-time ally of the Burmese junta, opposed putting Burma on the UN Security Council agenda and is against further isolating and sanctioning the country, saying events happening in Burma are strictly internal affairs.

Liu Zhenmin, China's deputy permanent representative to the UN, expounded at an open Security Council meeting on Burma, "We believe that the events happening inside Myanmar [Burma] are the internal affairs of Myanmar [Burma] itself, which should be handled by its own government and people in consultation."

Liu added that the situation in Burma does not pose any threat to international or regional peace and security.

"China has explicitly opposed the inclusion of the Myanmar [Burma] question on the Security Council agenda. And we are against the policy of isolating and sanctioning against Myanmar [Burma]," Liu said.

But Liu maintained China remains steadfast in its support of the efforts of Ban Ki-moon and his special representative to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, in their continued engagement with the country's military authorities.

He said China will continue in helping the government of Burma in its efforts to address the country's problems in a responsible and constructive manner. Liu also called on members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other regional countries to join hands in assisting Burma out of its current difficulties.

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