A Childhood Spent Scavenging

By SOE LWIN
The Irrawaddy News

RANGOON —Twelve-year-old Maung Chan Thar has only known poverty despite having a name that means “master of wealth.”

His parents gave him the name in the belief that it would bring good fortune to their eldest son.

With a meager household income, Maung Chan Thar's family of eight has to struggle to put enough food on the table each day, let alone buy clothes or things needed for school by his three younger brothers and two younger sisters.

The piles of rubbish in Rangoon are children’s sources of income. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Four years ago, when Maung Chan Thar was just eight, his parents sent him onto the streets to earn money because they could no longer afford to keep him at school.

Carrying a sack on his back, he has been working in the streets ever since, looking through the piles of rubbish on the streets, roaming the railway tracks, collecting empty water bottles, plastic bags—whatever he can resell.

The piles of rubbish at the markets and railway stations are his sources of income. On a good day, he can make the equivalent of more than US $1, but normally Maung Chan Thar only earns about 70 or 80 cents.

“I am so happy to see my mother smile when I put cash in her hands,” he said.

Maung Chan Thar is the second income earner in his family after his father, who makes about $1.50 a day pedaling a trishaw.

Though he is an important source of income for his family, his parents cannot take care of him.

Like tens of thousands of other street children in big cities such as Rangoon and Mandalay, Maung Chan Thar’s clothes are filthy and in tatters. His hair has not been washed for months, and his nails are long and dirty.

Maung Chan Thar thinks things are alright, however. He knows that in his job what matters is collecting as much recyclable material as possible.

"I hate seeing my younger brothers and sisters crying in hunger, so I work hard," he said, sifting through a pile of garbage near Kyimyindaing Railway Station. “I don’t want them to ever do work like this. I want them to keep going to school.”

When he started on the street, he was often bullied by stronger street children, who would sometimes steal what he made.

"I will never forget when three larger boys beat me up and took all my money,” Maung Chan Thar said. “When I got back home, my father beat me up again for being so weak."

Maung Chan Thar has learned how to avoid such incidents, and he has many friends who will come to his help him if someone picks on him.

His worries are far from over, however. The municipal police and staff from the Yangon [Rangoon] City Development Committee are constantly making arrests.

The risk of arrest is higher when he sleeps at railway stations or bus stops in the downtown area, he said. Since his home is located in Shwepyithar in the outskirts of Rangoon, he often sleeps downtown with his friends if it is too late to go back.

“I’ve never been arrested,” he said. “I’m good at avoiding the police.

“People look down on street children like us, thinking we are thieves,” he said. “When we go around below large buildings picking up plastic bags, residents sometimes threaten us. We have to switch collecting sites quickly when that happens.

“I don’t understand why they look down on us like that,” Maung Chan Thar said, adding that he always followed his mother’s advice.

“My mother always told me never to steal or beg, but to work hard and be honest,” he said.

Though Maung Chan Thar seems destined to keep doing his lowly job, he firmly believes he will be rich one day.

“Every night my mother has this dream in which I am a rich man,” he said, squatting on the rubbish.

“Perhaps I will find something very precious in this rubbish one day,” he said. “Who is to say that I won’t?”

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Life is cheap in the East, even cheaper in Burma

By Pascal Khoo-Thwe

(DVB)–The nineteenth-century Jewish-German writer and critic, Henrich Heine, once said, "Where they burn books, they will ultimately also burn people."

When the Nazis organized the nationwide burning of books deemed 'un-German' in May 1933, not many people could have imagined that they would go on to kill many unarmed, non-combatant and innocent people, mostly Jews, on the basis of racial ideology.

In Burma, the first military junta, led by the late General Ne Win, caused a similar shock when it seized power in March 1962. Then on this day in 1962, soldiers under the command of the 'Butcher of Rangoon', Sein Lwin, dynamited and blew up Rangoon University's student union building with around one hundred protesting students still inside it. Scores were killed. The bloodied site was bulldozed and then paved over.

Some years later, Ne Win blamed one of his officers for the infamous incident, and the latter pointed finger back at him. But tellingly, none volunteered to re-construct the building or apologized for the action as they have no desire to see the resurrection of Burmese student activism that precipitated the demand for independence of Burma from the British. True to the form of the oligarchic rulers of old Burma, they also felt that admitting the mistake would be tantamount to accepting failure. Unlike the Nazis of the Third Reich, whose overarching ambition was to create a pure race, Burma’s rulers use a policy of ‘Burmanisation’ primarily to achieve their final goal of absolute power.

It was a symbolic destruction of the future of the country, as well as a spiteful act against the students and intellectuals of the country regarded by Ne Win and his cohorts with a mixture of suspicion and jealousy. Following the incident, the junta gradually and imperceptibly downgraded the standard of education, once regarded as the best in Asia, by filling the pages of textbooks with propaganda and slogans. Passages of rational and humourous arguments were also phased out, making it harder for teachers to teach anything meaningful or useful.

Many Burmese students of that generation regard the event as the beginning of the ongoing struggle for predominance between the army and the civilians in Burma. In fact, it is also a struggle for the claimant of a definite 'Burmese' identity. The generals want to mould Burma into a uniformed, aloof and 'pure' nation while civilian leaders want it to be a nation of vibrant and prosperous people. But both sides lack well thought-out plans, the patience and diligence needed to realize their dream of a strong nation. They both put an emphasis on the importance of discipline and self-sacrifice but many are reluctant to commit themselves to their ideals. Over the years, the gap between the army and civilian life has become wider to the point where the army started to think of itself as of a special class and breed, while the people started to see the army as an alien force or a force working for alien powers occupying their country.

Tyranny prospers

To better understand the problem and impacts caused by the 7 July incident, one needs to look at the situation at the time and the mentality of the dictator and his followers, who had further sown 'the seed of the poison flower'. Having gained its independence in 1948, Burma was a country struggling with rebellions and political intrigues when Ne Win seized power from the civilian government of U Nu, regarded by the former as a group of weak and corrupt politicians. To make matters worse, the country was caught between the two main sides of the Cold War, and powerful nations were not interested in who ruled Burma, as long as the country was on their side of the great divide. Thus, tyranny was allowed to prosper and take deep root in the name of stability.

On the other hand, Ne Win was known to have harboured deep jealousy and hatred towards his more educated and charismatic peers, such as national hero Aung San, the father of Aung San Suu Kyi, and the civilian leader U Nu. A true gambler in character, Ne Win waited for his chance with patience and ruthlessness, and surrounded himself with yes-men and mindless thugs. He had enough intelligence to outwit his enemies and friends alike with the brutality and efficiency, but lacked the will to rebuild the nation as promised, once he was in power.

The combination of instability and the rule of a ruthless leader was to turn a relatively prosperous Burma into a country of recycled fear, poverty and suffering that continues to this day. Ne Win's legacy is acutely felt among new generations born after his coup, who are forced to be obedient and placid before they have the chance to be a decent and responsible human beings. Many are caught in a state of mind with which they can neither comfortably hold on to these traditions nor go forward with confidence, partly due to the widespread confusion and clash of ideas among older generations. The 'good' old traditions of Burma are only kept in words, and older generations can only watch in despair the gradual erosion of traditions by economic pressures and political hypocrisy.

Ne Win also left behind the legacy of acute mistrust and disrespect among the people caused by his 'Big Brother Is Watching You' policy. People might maintain a public show of respect and politeness outwardly, but once out of sight they bless each other with derogative terms of various forms. Thanks to years of draconian censorship, the majority of the people also lost the skill to offer critical comments and hold rational arguments, as those who do are often accused of being 'un-Burmese' or un-revolutionary, and thus sidelined or persecuted. In general, Burmese communities regard criticism of any kind with suspicion as many people can't help but use criticism as the means to attack the people they do not like.

The worst legacy left behind by the blasting of the student union building would be the callousness with which people in power, especially those with guns and money, often treat the lives of ordinary people. The derogatory remark, "Life is cheap in the East," was once added to by a Burmese student with the quip, "It's even cheaper in Burma". The impacts of the continuing occurrence of state-sponsored atrocities in Burma since 1962 also numb the minds of both the victims and perpetrators alike until they break down with disastrous results for their families and communities. Many soldiers, policemen and men with combat experiences in general find it hard to settle down in a relatively peaceful community and many of them commit violent acts on other people or themselves.

It would be far from easy to repair the physical and mental damage done to the country by successive military rulers, as the generals who succeeded Ne Win are even less subtle and scrupulous in their approach to controlling the nation. Whereas Ne Win jealously guarded the natural resources of Burma against foreign hands, his successors could not wait to sell them off to anyone who has money – in both cases, for their own benefits.

At the same time, they do not hesitate to torture or kill anyone, including monks, who are held in high esteem by the majority of Burmese, as witnessed by the crackdowns on the monk-led September 2007 Saffron Revolution. Similarly, when cyclone Nargis struck the Irrawaddy delta in May 2008, the army didn't allow aid agencies to help the survivors of the storm and the accompanying sea surge until it was too late.

Nevertheless, after nearly half a century on, student activism, along with the struggle for freedom, is still alive and kicking in various forms inside and outside Burma despite drawbacks. Students do not have to depend on a union building for their survival, partly thanks to now being able to communicate with each other on the internet or phone. But they still lack a sense of clear direction and organization which is needed to spearhead a new 'revolution' to transform Burma into a truly confident nation at peace with itself.

The best one can hope and work towards now, it seems, is the emergence of a new generation of youth and leaders who concentrate their energies on pragmatic issues rather than ideology, and who are capable of performing their varied talents in unison, rather than in unity, and coordinating their actions for a common aim. The word 'unity' has often been used and abused by both the opposition and military leaders when they have nothing else to offer to the people.

Meanwhile, the ruling junta is doing its best to perpetuate its hold on power and destroy any form that resembles unity on the part of the opposition, carrying out actions from crashing websites to arresting anyone wearing t-shirts displaying political slogans. The generals are digging tunnels, buying weapons and installing advanced technology to maintain their version of Burmese identity, while the opposition groups are fighting vigorously - sometimes, among themselves - to come up with the 'best' solution for the country. The struggle continues.

The question of who in the end will win depends on how much each side could provide a better future for the people and establishes the foundation for a solid and stable administrative system capable of governing a nation with diverse identities and interests. The successful side should not be selected on the grounds of how many guns or slogans they have. For more than anything, Burma has been a geographic entity divided and plighted by the delusion of who are the real 'Burmese', and who own it.

READ MORE---> Life is cheap in the East, even cheaper in Burma...

Parents of students fleeced in Northern Burma

Written by KNG

Students in Burma's northern city of Myitkyina have been threatened that they will be thrown out of their schools if they do not pay for a specific fund, said students.

Within two weeks of schools reopening, students were set a deadline for eviction by the last two weeks of this month by their teachers if they did not pay 25,000 Kyat (US $25) or 30,000 Kyat (US $29) each, said high school students in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State.

Students in No. 5 State High School in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State, northern Burma.
High school students in No. 1 State High School in Myitkyina said, teachers did not mention why they are collecting funds but all students have been asked to pay the amount demanded by the schools.

The Burmese junta's school fund without a head has affected students of all government schools in Myitkyina from the primary to the high school level. The money is now being forcibly collected by teachers in No. 1 and No. 5 High Schools as well as in Shatapru High School in the town, according to students of these schools.

The method of payment by students' parents has been issued to the wards by the school teachers, students said.

Both students and their parents are taken aback by the demand for the extra money because schools forcibly collect exact amounts from all students under the head of "Fund" without citing why the money is being collected, added students and their parents in Myitkyina.

While registering in the last week of May, regular students paid less than 100 Kyat as parents' fees. Students who got transfers from different schools paid 15,000 Kyat (US $15) to 30,000 Kyat, said students and school teachers in Myitkyina.

According to students' parents and school teachers in Myitkyina, the schools have to collect essential funds from parents each academic year because they get no fund from the junta's Education Ministry.

Though the junta’s Education Ministry claims to impart free education in the country for several years now, all government schools from primary to the high school level in Kachin State have been instructed to collect funds from students' parents, said school sources.

Meanwhile, there is mounting corruption among teachers in the schools in Myitkyina because they cannot survive on their monthly salaries, said students.

New students, especially, have to pay some amount in bribe to teachers and school headmasters in schools in Myitkyina downtown in order to get admission, alleged students' parents.

Some new students were asked for fans or other stationary materials for classrooms by the schools when they registered for the first time, said students.

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Burmese education department lowers the bar in hopes of projecting student success

Mon Son, IMNA

In an effort to improve the public image of the school systems, the Burmese government’s education department issued a mandate that teachers must facilitate the student’s graduation process regardless of their skill level.

In Moulemin Townships the Burmese government is attempting to control enrolment in the school system in order project increases in both student numbers and graduation rates. However most of the high school students can’t read or speak English and students are struggling to write Burmese properly, according to headmasters.

The instructions given to the school system required that students in grades 1 to 7 must pass every year, despite poor grades, and that students in their 8th and 9th year must achieve a certain percentage on their tests, according to a source from the Burmese government education department in Mon State.

“About two months before student test results came out, the education department called the head school in every township, and insisted that in grades 8 and 9, 70 to 80 percent of the student class must graduate,” said a Moulemin high school principle.

Many 10th year students, facing their final year in high school before exams that will place them in university, never complete their studies in their subjects, as they are now able to pass their exams at a reduced skill level. Many students in Burma, from grades 1 to 10, now seek tutoring in the subjects they would otherwise cover in school.

Additionally the Burmese government announced to teachers that all children who are of age must to attend school, in order to increase the student enrolment at each school.

“In my opinion most students have not received enough education since they were in elementary school under the system the government education system.” stated a 58 year old headmaster, “Although they go on to graduate from University, they don’t have the skills that would allow them to work in the government departments or at a private company. So instead, students leave Burma to find jobs in other countries. The government does not have enough jobs to give students who have graduated from university.”

Jobs in the government are gained after students who make the highest rank in their class attend elite government universities, where they receive specific training that will qualify them to enter the government work force. The high school scoring scale works on a 100 point system, where students achieve distinction if they score between 75-80, and receive distinction in ranks of I, II, or III. Students who do not rank at the top of their class do go on to university (also run by the government).

Some parents, are not particularly concerned about their children’s education because the changes make it easier for them to graduate. However the government demands have also undermined the ability of teachers to teach.

The mother of one student from Mudon township said, “ I am very happy because my children pass every year until 7 grade. But I am worried about grades 9 and 10. If their basic knowledge is not up to par, they will not pass their final high school test.” “Because of our students’ poor education, we have to make even more of an effort to ensure they understand all the subjects, especially in match and English classes.” An elementary class teacher in Mudon Township said, “For parents who understand the government changes, they worry for their children.

These parents encourage their child to succeed, and to study hard even if their friends are not. However students are very happy because they know that they will pass every year.” In Burma, students in grades 1 through 7 have monthly tests and at the completion of each exam will not study the subject again. In these grades students can pass their exams with a score of 40 (out of 100), however if students fall below this mark, they will graduate regardless, and move on to the next year. Students in grades 8, 9, and 10 do face the possibility of failing however only in grade 10 would failure result in the student having to repeat the year.

A former teacher working with the Mon National Education Committee (MNEC) speculated that students from MNEC possessed a higher degree of education than that of their Burmese counterparts, as students under the MNEC do not need attend outside tuition and they study with teachers closely in a an MNEC school set up in Nyi Sar camp. MNEC operates under the control of New Mon State Party (NMSP). While the Burmese government may continue work towards the image of a successful school system, the real results will be seen in the future generations who must find work. A computer student from Pa-an, Karen state, who dropped out of university after his first year said, “I attended computer class for one year and I could have just learnt computer science from the book since I never even got access to a computer. Some of my friends are also leaving school. “

READ MORE---> Burmese education department lowers the bar in hopes of projecting student success...