Asean Financial Gloom to Trump Rights Issues

By JOCELYN GECKER/ AP WRITER
The Irrawaddy News

BANGKOK — The prickly issue of human rights in Burma will take a back seat to the global financial meltdown as leaders of cash-strapped Southeast Asian countries meet this weekend for an annual summit.

Ducking the spotlight will be a relief for Burma's military junta, which has been busy locking up dissidents and has ignored UN demands to free its highest-profile political prisoner, the Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

For the rest of the 10-nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the financial crisis offers an opportunity to avoid the perennial dilemma of confronting its most troublesome member and other sensitive topics.

Thailand, which currently holds Asean's rotating chairmanship and is hosting the summit, bills the meeting as a turning point for the bloc that has long been criticized as a talk shop that forges agreements by consensus and steers away from confrontation.

It is the first time leaders will meet since the group signed a landmark charter in December. The document made Asean a legal entity and moves it a step closer toward the goal of establishing a single market by 2015 and becoming a European Union-like community.

"This summit will mark a new chapter for Asean," Thailand's Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said recently. "We want to make Asean a more rule-based and effective organization according to the charter."

But the run-up to the summit has showcased some of the disarray in Asean, which groups more than 500 million people and includes fledgling democracies, a monarchy, a military dictatorship and two communist regimes.

Originally scheduled for December in Bangkok, the summit was postponed because of political upheaval in Thailand. Abhisit, who came to power that month on the back of protests, shifted the venue to the beach resort Hua Hin, 200 kilometers (120 miles) south of the capital, to escape lingering protests in Bangkok.

Senior officials start meeting on February 26 ahead of the weekend leaders' summit. Asean's 10 members include Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

In recent years, Asean summits have been followed by the so-called East Asia Summit, which includes the leaders of China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia and New Zealand. But Beijing couldn't make the new Feb meeting, forcing Thailand to call a second summit in April.

Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen has decried the back-to-back meetings as "a waste of time," saying the absence this weekend of China, Japan and South Korea means Asean can't lobby Asia's economic powers for financial aid. The sharp-tongued Hun Sen has been particularly critical of Thailand since a border dispute last year sparked deadly clashes and brief concerns of war between the neighbors.

Philippine diplomats also say their interest in the summit has "really waned" without the three East Asian powers attending.

Southeast Asian countries are struggling to revive their export-driven economies amid rising employment and fears of recession. The economies of Thailand and Singapore have already shrunk while Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines are grappling with rapidly slowing growth.

Asian finance ministers agreed last weekend to form a $120 billion pool of foreign-exchange reserves to protect falling currencies. Asean members will provide 20% of funding, with 80% from China, Japan and South Korea.

Among the key documents to be signed at the meeting are a free trade agreement with Australia and New Zealand and a roadmap for turning Asean into an EU-style bloc by 2015, as outlined by the new charter.

One of the charter's key pledges is to set up a regional human rights body, though critics doubt that members like Burma would allow it to have much clout.

Meanwhile, specific human rights issues—including the plight of the stateless Rohingya boat people who flee Burma and have recently washed up on the shores of Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia—will be discussed on the sidelines but not as part of the summit's formal agenda.

Burma has come under vocal criticism by the United Nations for jailing hundreds of dissidents ahead of general elections promised for 2010—the first in 20 years. The junta holds more than 2,100 political detainees, including pro-democracy leader Suu Kyi. The 63-year-old Suu Kyi has spent 13 of the past 19 years in detention without trial.

But Asean has no intention of formally scolding Burma, Vitavas Srivihok, the director-general the Thai Foreign Ministry's Asean department told reporters earlier this week.

"We don't have any specific meetings regarding Myanmar (Burma) because it is sensitive," he said, "and we don't want to single out any country."

READ MORE---> Asean Financial Gloom to Trump Rights Issues...

Time for NLD to Step Up to the Plate

By YENI
The Irrawaddy News

Burma's military government last week announced it would release more than 6,300 prisoners, of whom just 23 were classified as political prisoners—including nine Buddhist monks. State-run television in Burma reported that the prisoners were being released for the "social consideration of their families" and to take part in the 2010 elections.

The statement coincided with a five-day visit to Burma by the United Nations’ human rights envoy, Tomás Ojea Quintana, and occurred at a time when the UN Security Council was meeting to hear a firsthand account from that other special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, on his recent visit and meeting with detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and leaders of the military junta. The announcement was also timely in that it came just one week ahead of an Asean summit in Thailand.

Whatever cosmetic appearance the junta was trying to solicit, most observers agreed that the release of prisoners represented the regime’s rather futile attempt to prevent—or at least reduce—the international criticism on their poor human rights record which raises its ugly head any time regional or global bodies meet to discuss Burmese issues.

Meanwhile, global diplomacy has failed yet again in Burma by its inability to produce any movement on the key Burmese issues: opening dialogue between Suu Kyi and junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe; releasing her and some 2,200 other political prisoners; and ensuring that the elections scheduled for next year will include all opposition parties and minority groups.

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, on a trip through Asia, lamented last week that neither US sanctions nor engagement by regional nations have convinced the junta. "It is an unfortunate fact that Burma seems impervious to influences from anyone," Clinton said. "The path we have taken in imposing sanctions hasn't influenced the Burmese junta, but ... reaching out and trying to engage them has not influenced them either."

The Burmese generals in Naypyidaw know only too well that the overseas criticisms are no more than the toothless growls of a paper tiger. Their unilateral decision to hold elections next year will be little more than a pantomime to rubber stamp the junta’s new constitution guaranteeing the military a quarter of the seats in both the upper and lower houses of parliament.

However, sitting on the sidelines, some so-called "experts" have naively come to believe that the election in 2010 could represent a major turning point in Burmese politics, opening a space from which the pro-democracy groups will take initiatives for gradual economic and political reform.

In fact, Than Shwe has still not approved the election law. Rumors are circulating in Rangoon that no consensus has been reached in Naypyidaw on which officers will be given parliamentary seats and which will continue in military service.

If we compare the situation to Zimbabwe, we see that—like it or not—the grip of the African nation’s strongman Robert Mugabe and his ruling Zanu-PF party has not weakened because of any international or regional pressure, but due to the effects of drought, HIV/AIDS and economic meltdown.

After months of deadlock, Mugabe has finally been forced to confront the division of ministries in a planned national unity government with the opposition. In the wake of Zimbabwe's economic collapse and spiraling humanitarian crisis, opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai was sworn in as prime minister with Mugabe remaining president, despite Western leaders calling on Mugabe to step down.

Likewise in Burma, after 20 years of struggle for national reconciliation and talk of rebuilding the failed nation, political leaders and policymakers in Burma must come up with more effective and pragmatic ways to deal with Burmese armed forces, or Tatmadaw.

To persuade the military to engage, the Burmese opposition should focus not only on its demand to free political prisoners, but to exploit the stagnation of the domestic economy and the humanitarian crisis. The NLD, in particular, has to date been too slow to react and has tiptoed around the issues. It needs to let the people know that it is capable of tackling the economic challenges that Burma will face in a post-dictatorial world.

READ MORE---> Time for NLD to Step Up to the Plate...

Lack of Proper Equipment Hampers Burma’s Firefighters

The Irrawaddy News

Lack of money and effective equipment is hampering Burmese local authorities tackle an increasing number of dry season fires.

The official government newspaper The New Light of Myanmar reported a total of 96 serious fires had broken out in Burma in January.

Fires so far in February include a blaze on Tuesday that destroyed a plastics factory in Rangoon’s Dawbon Township and a disastrous one on February 22 that swept through Kyaut Oe village in Sagaing Division, destroying 85 homes. The 649 villagers left homeless by the blaze are being sheltered at the local monastery.

A forest fire that began last week in a northeastern border region of Burma has spread into neighboring Chinese Yunnan Province, according to China's official Xinhua news agency. More than 200 hectares were ablaze, the agency said.

More than 3,000 soldiers, armed police and villagers were marshaled to fight the fire in the border county of Tengchong. The firefighters dug a 10,000-meter ditch on Sunday to keep the blaze from spreading, but a combination of strong gales, dry weather and mountainous terrain made their work difficult, Xinhua said.

Of the 96 serious fires registered in January, 74 were caused by kitchen accidents and negligence, 14 by electrical short circuits and six by arson. There was one forest fire.

The New Light of Myanmar report did not say whether there had been casualties.

In 2008, more than 5,000 houses, 15 factories and workshops and 30 warehouses were destroyed by fire, according to official statistics. More than 17,000 people were made homeless.

Firefighters in Burma are hampered by a lack of such essential equipment as extension ladders and fireproof clothing, according to fire department officials.

The country has 217 fire stations. There are an additional 328 auxiliary fire stations, which rely on donations from local communities. “If you want the firemen to put out the fire, you have to give them money”, said one source.

READ MORE---> Lack of Proper Equipment Hampers Burma’s Firefighters...

Two ABFSU leaders transferred to remote prisons

(DVB)–Two All Burma Federation of Student Unions leaders who were recently sentenced to three years’ imprisonment each have been transferred to remote prisons, according to their families.

ABFSU leaders Kyaw Ko Ko and Nyan Linn Aung were sentenced to three years in prison by Mingalar Taung Nyunt township court in Rangoon earlier this month under video laws.

Kyaw Ko Ko was among the political prisoners who met UN special rapporteur Tomas Ojea Quintana during his recent visit to Burma.

Kyaw Ko Ko’s father Kyaw Aye said he had not been able to see his son since the visit because political inmates are only allowed family visits once every two weeks.

“My son met with Mr Quintana on the 16th but I couldn’t go and visit him as I had just seen him on the 13th,” said Kyaw Aye. Kyaw Aye said he found out his son and Nyan Linn Aung had been moved from Insein to other remote prisons early on Saturday morning, but had not yet been able to confirm where they have been sent.

“I went to a court in Tamwe [on 23 February] to show support for some political activists on trial there,” he said.

“They told me that my son and his colleague were no longer in Insein prison ward 5 where they were previously detained.”

Kyaw Aye said he immediately went to Insein prison and was told by an official there that Kyaw Ko Ko had been transferred to Taunggyi prison in Shan state while Nyan Linn Aung was sent to Bhamo prison in Kachin state.

“I made a phone call to Taunggyi prison to confirm the news but they told me Kyaw Ko Ko had not yet arrived,” Kyaw Aye said.

Reporting by Nan Kham Kaew

READ MORE---> Two ABFSU leaders transferred to remote prisons...

Changing patterns in Burma's media

By Htet Aung Kyaw

(DVB)–With one of the most strictly-controlled media environments in the world, Burmese journalists who oppose the military government are forced to work in secret, with the prospect of lengthy imprisonment an everyday threat.

Exiled news organizations in countries such as Thailand and India work covertly with networks of journalists inside Burma, receiving and publishing articles and commentary on political developments inside the country.

The last few years have also seen a rise in internet bloggers, and subsequently a fierce crackdown by the regime. In 2008, two bloggers were jailed for 20 years each for publishing critical material of General Than Shwe.

DVB spoke to a number of journalists and media experts, both Burmese and foreign, to discuss the current media environment within Burma, and to highlight the differences for media inside and outside the country.

Maung Maung Myint is chair of the Burmese Media Association, Kyaw Zwa Moe is deputy editor of The Irrawaddy, and Larry Jagan is a freelance journalist with a focus on Burma.

DVB began by asking what the current situation is like for media freedom in Burma.

Maung Maung Myint: "It's obvious that Burmese government's pressure on the media inside the country has been more intensified since after the 2007 September uprisings – there has been sentencing of journalists and media right activists to long prison terms throughout this time.

"The situation on the Burmese media freedom is not good and we think it will be the same until 2010. After that, if we are unlucky, things will even get worse."

Kyaw Zwa Moe: "In Burma, now we have more journalists than we had 20 years ago. Despite various difficulties, the censor laws and the pressure from the government, they are doing what they can with an increased capacity."

"And we see that they are trying their best to reach their message and information to the audience."

Larry Jagan: “Twenty years ago the Burmese media was completely government-controlled and no dissident or different opinions were allowed.

“Now we see, particularly in the print media, a proliferation of magazines and newspapers, none of which are necessarily anti-government but many of which have pushed the boundaries of journalism, particularly on issues like HIV/Aids, the environment, and the economy.”

DVB: What is the significance of the outside media? Are exiled journalists affected by bias, and do foreign journalists have adequate expertise?

Kyaw Zaw Moe: "It is important for the journalists to be independent. There is always a factor about self-censorship, such as not criticising the democratic movement even when there is something wrong with it because the journalist himself/herself has is from the movement.

“This depends on how much they believe, understand and how much ethics they follow in their journalist profession."

Maung Maung Myint: "I don't see that the Burmese youths who became journalists out of the 1988 uprising and the other movements are holding bias thoughts just because they came from that path.

“They have their brain, and their own ability to see and hear things and they have their common sense to differentiate what is right or wrong. If one values his or her own status of being a journalist, then he or she will also value the quality of the news which is measured by truthfulness.

“A journalist who respects this will stand on the same side with the truth."

Kyaw Zaw Moe: "Another issue we are having with the media outside is that, we always emphasise on being the first to publish a news without trying to verify whether the information in it real or not, because the competition among the organisations here is big."

DVB: How much confidence can we can have in the outside media (with non-independent journalists and organisations worried about funding) and the inside media (with issues of oppression and self-censorship)?

Kyaw Zwa Moe: "I am positive about this. Despite increasing pressure from the government, we are having more committed journalists who aim for a more successful, independent media society in Burma.

“To have a say what will happen in next five years, it depends a lot on how much we, the media both inside and outside Burma, have in our mind to learn, devote and follow the media ethics."

Maung Maung Myint: "As long as there are people inside Burma who are fighting for the media freedom with a great sacrifice, the future light of the Burmese media will never go dim.

“At the same time, the media people inside Burma need to have an active communication with the media people outside. In that way, we will have more understanding towards each other and a better channel of information flow which will profit the people of Burma to get more knowledge and information.

“This is an achievement we have already gained to some level, but I have to admit that, we, the media people, have to do more than this as our people are not living in freedom like people in other countries."

Larry Jagan: “What I would say is that my experience is that Burmese journalists inside the country are very courageous. They try to push the boundaries quietly in their own way. They know far more than they are ever able to get into print.

“In the last five years or so there has been some very good training of Burmese journalists but what they all tell me is that we are waiting for the day when democracy comes so that we can be real journalists because there’s no way we can be journalists under the military regime.”

READ MORE---> Changing patterns in Burma's media...

Nargis accused to receive legal help

(DVB)–Six members of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions who were arrested last year after helping victims of cyclone Nargis have been granted permission to have legal representation in their ongoing trial.

The trial is being held in Insein prison special court, where Dr. Newin and his daughter Phyo Phyo Aung, Aung Kyaw San, Phone Pyi Kywe, Shane Yazar Htun and Aung Thant Zin Oo (aka James) are defending government allegations of sedition and the unlawful association acts.

They were arrested for collecting and burying rotting corpses in the aftermath of the cyclone.

Central court lawyer Khin Maung Myint, who has been representing the six since they were arrested, said he was allowed to enter the courtroom during a hearing session on yesterday.

“I was allowed to meet them at the trial [on Tuesday] and I had a talk with them – all of them seemed to be in good health,” he said.

“The next hearing is on 3 March and then I will have to present some necessary documents at the court to get permission to talk on behalf of them at the trial.”

Reporting by Nan Kham Kaew

READ MORE---> Nargis accused to receive legal help...

Democracy plan fuels war in Myanmar

By Brian McCartan

MAE SOT, Thailand (Asia Times) - At a November meeting of ethnic minority and pro-democracy groups in the northern Thai town of Chiang Mai, a representative of the Danish government development agency DANIDA called on the dissident participants to take part in the political process inside Myanmar, including support for the upcoming 2010 elections, or face funding cuts.

Those behind-closed-door remarks were followed in January by a visit to Myanmar of Danish Development Minister Ulla Toraes and Norwegian minister Erik Solheim. While officially presented as a visit to observe Cyclone Nargis relief efforts, several Myanmar watchers questioned whether the delegation breached a European

Union prohibition on high-level visits to Myanmar.

Meanwhile, the United Nations has been wishy-washy on its stance towards the elections, with Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and Special Envoy to Myanmar Ibrahim Gambari simply requesting that the ruling generals ensure that the elections are free and fair. Amid growing calls for Ban to make another visit to Myanmar, the UN has said little concerning what would make the elections internationally acceptable or what actions the international community should take if they are not.

Behind the silence is a growing notion among certain Western governments and international aid agencies that the junta's controversial planned elections will usher in a new era of stability to Myanmar. The reality is that the junta's push to legitimize its electoral process is already causing greater instability, especially along Myanmar's borders with Thailand and China. Myanmar's various ethnic-based ceasefire organizations are making moves to secure their power bases and territory in order to either maintain their bargaining positions whatever government results from the elections or, if push comes to shove, go back to war.

The elections represent the fifth step on the military regime's seven-step "roadmap to democracy". The generals have said that before the elections can take place the various ethnic insurgent ceasefire groups along the country's border areas must disarm and become legal political parties. Only once a "discipline flourishing democracy" has been established, says the government, will the concerns of the various ethnic groups be addressed.

With a year to go before the polls, ethnic insurgent organizations are being forced to decide whether to carry on the struggle or become state-controlled militias. Although Gambari was able to meet with certain ethnic Shan politicians on his visit in early February, and UN Human Rights Envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana met last week with members of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), it is unlikely that these staged meetings would have given either envoy a real sense of the dilemma facing many of the ethnic organizations.

For many Myanmar analysts and ethnic leaders there is a real worry that a military showdown is brewing between the generals and the ethnic groups that could tilt the region towards fighting on a scale not seen in over 20 years. Increased government pressure to disarm has already resulted in increased fighting along the Thai-Myanmar border as a Karen insurgent group allied with the junta tries to create more space for itself.

With little faith in the central government and its post-election promises, many other ceasefire groups say they will retain rather than give up their arms. Since the first ceasefires were signed in 1989, ethnic armies have resisted handing over their arms because they believe without them it would be impossible to negotiate a final settlement on equal terms or protect their people from a regime renowned for its gross human rights abuses.

The junta's disregard for ethnic group representatives at the National Convention to draft a new constitution, which was completed in 2007, and the forced disarmament of several smaller groups has only intensified ethnic distrust of the generals. Initial pressure to disarm, or at least to become militias or border guards under the control of Myanmar's armed forces, began prior to the completion of the National Convention.

That pressure intensified after the controversial national referendum held in May that approved a new constitution, which paved the way for next year's elections. The generals contend that under democracy there will be no need for ethnic organizations to retain their arms and instead that they should form political parties to represent their minority interests.

Electoral dilemma
Ethnic political organizations are caught on the horns of an electoral dilemma: if they boycott the polls, their grounds for criticizing the results will be weakened; by contesting, they will seemingly condone a process which most observers, including several ethnic leaders, view as a sham. Different groups are taking different approaches, though all have a common thread: the retention of arms.

The largest ceasefire groups are based in northern Myanmar, along the border with China. They include the United Wa State Army (UWSA) with an estimated 15,000-20,000 fighters, the National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA-ESS) with around 2,500 and the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N) with up to 10,000 men, and the Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/A) with between 3,000 and 5,000 soldiers in Kachin State. The UWSA, NDAA and SSA-N all agreed to ceasefires in 1989, while the KIO signed on in 1994.

With a large and well-equipped army, wealth derived through legitimate business as well as drug trafficking, and support from China, the UWSA has historically played hard ball with the junta. In a move which observers see as a test of the generals' commitment to their new constitution, the UWSA has recently started stamping official documents as "Government of Wa State, Special Autonomous Region, Union of Myanmar" and changed its official office signs to read the same.

The constitution sets out a "Self-Administered Division" for the Wa and the UWSA is in effect declaring its rule over the area. The move comes amid increased tensions following a December meeting between UWSA officers and Major General Kyaw Pyoe from the Golden Triangle Command based in eastern Shan State. The general ordered the UWSA to disarm and reform into a government-controlled militia, a request that was rejected out-of-hand by the UWSA.

Underscoring that authority, a 30-man government delegation led by Lieutenant General Ye Myint, chief of Military Affairs Security, or Myanmar's military intelligence agency, was forced on January 19 to disarm when it crossed into Wa-controlled territory. Ye Myint's main mission, to discuss the upcoming elections, was instead limited to economic matters. The UWSA has yet to comment on whether it will participate in the polls, but recent moves to establish a factory for the production of small arms and ammunition, suggest that the UWSA is instead readying for a fight.

The NDAA, which is closely allied with the UWSA, has also resisted government calls to disarm and tensions have since grown with the Myanmar army. Meanwhile, the arrest in February 2005 and continued detention of SSA-N chairman Major General Hso Ten, along with several other Shan leaders, has soured relations and SSA-N troops have since joined the non-ceasefire Shan State Army-South along the border with Thailand. Both groups are expected to resist rather than allow themselves to be disarmed and become government-led militias.

In Kachin State, the KIO has declared it will not participate in the elections, but recently gave its approval to civilians who wish to set up a Kachin political party to contest the polls. The group has said that it hopes to enter into a dialogue with a new democratic government. And in the southern Myanmar areas of Mon State and Tenasserim Division, the New Mon State Party (NMSP) declared after a recent congress that it will not participate in the elections and would not disarm. The NMSP has been a consistent thorn in the regime's election plans, including its move to walk out of the National Convention in protest over lack of consideration of ethnic issues and a March 2008 statement stating its opposition to the national referendum.

Several ceasefire group leaders have remained coy about their preparations for possible hostilities. On the ground, observers describe military preparations including trainings and increased recruitment, as well as growing apprehension among the civilian populace. The junta, too, appears to be preparing for armed showdowns. It has for years increased troop numbers in areas near ceasefire groups and recent reports suggest that these troops are being reinforced with heavy weapons, including 76mm and 105mm artillery and with specialized troops, including Light Infantry Divisions 66 and 88.

With those movements, reports are spreading along border areas that the regime may move to rehabilitate various middle and senior ranking members of the now defunct Directorate of Defense Services Intelligence (DDSI), including former prime minister and DDSI head General Khin Nyunt. The DDSI was responsible for brokering many of the ceasefires, but was dismantled amid corruption allegations in 2004 which most observers saw as an intra-junta purge against the increasingly powerful Khin Nyunt and his followers. The former top-ranking junta member is has been sentenced to 44 years and is now under house arrest.

Insurgent officers say Khin Nyunt's rapport with the ethnic groups has not been equaled by the Military Affairs Security, which replaced DDSI. According to one insurgent official, Myanmar
army commanders have realized that Khin Nyunt's men knew how to handle the ceasefire groups and have even recently begun seeking out their opinions on how to bring ethnic groups into the election process.

Their inclusion is necessary to give the elections legitimacy among the international community and more importantly to bring all of the country's territories under the generals' nominal control. Yet the only major group which has so far agreed to the border guard arrangement is the government-aligned Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), which controls territories in Myanmar's eastern Karen and Mon States.

Economic lures
Viewed by some as a test case for how ceasefire groups may evolve under Myanmar's new democracy, the outlook so far is not good for stability. The DKBA was told at a meeting in the capital Naypyidaw in December that under the new constitution they were to become a border guard force. Under the terms of the agreement, which has so far not been made public, the DKBA was promised control over border tax checkpoints and continued concessions for transportation, logging and other businesses.

Sources close to the DKBA say the move was unpopular because it means handing over political power over to a Myanmar-dominated regime - a concession which goes against the founding principles of the Karen's long struggle - and several officers threatened to resign as a result.

Rather than release statements or make a show of force, the group has instead concentrated on seizing new territories particularly former Karen National Union-controlled areas near Myawaddy and Kayin Seikgyi townships across from Tak Province in Thailand, to gain administrative control over lucrative border trades, including mining operations and cross-border agribusiness projects, in the new democratic era.

For all its statements of representing the cause of self determination and equality for the ethnic Karen people, the armed group is believed by many to be motivated more by business opportunities, including drug trafficking, it needs guns to maintain. The DKBA has so far not made any statements about whether or how it will contest the 2010 elections. Three Karen political parties currently exist, but none have any connection with the DKBA and only one, the Karen State National Organization, won any seats in the 1990 election. The election itself, according to rival KNU vice president Saw David Thakabaw, may split the DKBA into competitive, business-driven factions.

By playing ceasefire groups-cum-militias against other insurgent groups, the junta could bid to keep ethnic groups weak and divided while building its new nominally democratic power structure through elections. Concessions such as the tax checkpoints promised to the DKBA provide some incentive for joining the border guard scheme as opposed to renewed fighting. These could yet be strong economic lures for some of the ceasefire groups, particularly in relation to tentative deals with neighboring and considerably wealthier Thailand.

Thai Army commander General Anupong Paochinda paid a two day visit to Myanmar in mid-February where he met with junta leader Senior General Than Shwe, Defense Minister Thura Shwe Mann and Foreign Minster Nyan Win. It is perhaps significant that Anupong, rather than Thai Foreign Minster Kasit Piromya, handled the meeting where border issues were on the agenda.

Several cross-border business schemes are in the works, but have not been completed due to instability. For instance, an agreement was reached in May 2007 for Thai agribusinesses to cultivate tax-free over seven million hectares of land in Myanmar border areas. The agreement includes four areas of Mon and Karen States designated for contract farming, totaling some 300,000 hectares. Myanmar farmers were to grow under contract cassava, rubber, oil palm, sugarcane, beans and corn for export to Thailand.

The project appears to have stalled however due to complaints by Thai investors over taxes levied by Myanmar government officials, as well as the DKBA and KNU. Conflict over taxes on the corn harvest resulted in fighting between the KNU and DKBA south of Mae Sot in October and November, sources say. The fighting spilled over into Thailand on several occasions resulting in the shooting up of villages, burning of food storage barns, and at least one shootout between DKBA and Thai soldiers. One Thai soldier was injured by a landmine in the skirmish.

Still the DKBA has been working on new roads leading north and south of Myawaddy to service the plantations and commercial agriculture projects along the border. Other cross-border projects envisioned include a border trade zone at the border town of Myawaddy and industrial zones in Pa'an and Moulmein. The projects, financed though loans and grants from Bangkok, are designed to curb the mounting influx of Myanmar migrant workers into Thailand, now estimated at over 2 million people.

But while the DKBA is angling for business opportunities, the rival KNU has resisted Thai incentives to end fighting against the Myanmar army. That's inhibited the group's armed wing, the Karen National Liberation Army, ability to fight along the border and allowed the DKBA to seize several of the areas it formerly controlled. A KNU official told Asia Times Online his group had no plans for ceasefire talks and that it would not participate in the 2010 elections. That means democracy is just as likely to bring more, not less, instability to Myanmar's contested border areas.

Brian McCartan is a Chiang Mai-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at brianpm@comcast.net.

READ MORE---> Democracy plan fuels war in Myanmar...

Burma releases 113 prisoners from Buthidaung jail

(Kaladan Press) - Buthidaung, Arakan State: Burma has released 113 prisoners including Rakhine and Rohingya from Buthidaung jail in Arakan State on February 22 night. Among the freed were 22 Rakhine and the rest were Rohingya prisoners, said a relative one of the released prisoners on condition of anonymity.

Burma announced the release of over 6,000 prisoners including 11 political prisoners, five monks, six NLD members and other prisoners, from prisons across the country on February 22, according to State television and radio.

The Burmese ruling junta has persistently denied the presence of political prisoners in the country’s jail. People believe that about 2,162 political prisoners and some religious persons are still in detention in various jails. They were arrested in 2003, but military junta persistently denies it. They (junta) claimed that they all are criminals, sources said.

The junta released the prisoners to participate in the general election to be held in 2010, for ushering in democracy in keeping with the regime’s seven-point road-map.

The announcement came a day after UN human rights envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana wrapped up a six-day visit to Burma on February 19. This was his second trip to Burma since he assumed office in May 2008. He first visited Burma in August 2008.

Quintana was scheduled to visit Arakan and Kachin States where local opposition complain of repeated harassment by the authorities. People of Arakan hoped to meet the UN envoy and they would have apprised him of the difficulties they have been facing in Arakan. But the wish was not fulfilled as the UN envoy was not allowed to come to Arakan State. Local authorities had selected local villagers to meet the UN envoy, to provide pro-government statements, said a businessman who declined to be named.

A schoolteacher said that the Burmese ruling military had earlier also released prisoners after or before a UN envoys visited Burma to save face.

READ MORE---> Burma releases 113 prisoners from Buthidaung jail...

Christians forced to donate for Buddhist pagoda festival in Putao

(KNG) - Burmese government employees in Putao district in northern Kachin State had to contend with a forcible cut in their January salaries as contribution for a local Buddhist pagoda festival. The cut was enforced by the Putao district military authorities two weeks ago, said local people.

Local government personnel said the junta’s District and Township Peace and Development Councils (Kha Ya Ka and Ma Ya Ka) forcibly cut between 700 Kyat to 1,000 Kyat (about US $1) from the January salaries of about 400 personnel in Putao and Machyangbaw townships in the district for the Kong Muq Lung Buddhist Pagoda Festival held from February 7 to 10.

Most government employees in the two townships are Christians but they dared not refuse to donate from their salaries for the Buddhist religious festival which has nothing to do with Christian practices, sources said.

Besides, the junta’s military strategic command commander of Putao summoned a meeting of middle-class civilians (who have less money than others) from Christian communities and collected funds for the Kong Muq Lung Buddhist Pagoda Festival, according to Christian sources in the district.

A local Christian who donated for the Buddhist festival said, “We do donate for any social cause. But we cannot donate to other religious functions. It is because of the junta’s order we were forced to donate for the Pagoda Festival.”

On the night of the last day of the pagoda festival while the stage show was being held, the temporary bamboo-bridge on Mali River which joins Kong Muq Lung village where the pagoda is situated on the east of the river bank and Htawa Dam village on the west of the river bank, collapsed due to overcrowding but the number of causalities are yet to be reported, added local people.

The festival of Kong Muq Lung pagoda is held every year and the junta’s Northern Military Command (Ma Pa Kha) commander Maj-Gen Soe Win also joined the festival, said locals.

READ MORE---> Christians forced to donate for Buddhist pagoda festival in Putao...

EU Calls for Political Reform in Burma

By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy News

In a statement on Monday, the European Union (EU)’s current presidency called for dialogue between the Burmese junta and the opposition, the release of political prisoners and the lifting of restrictions on political parties.

“The Presidency of the EU strongly calls for an immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners and detainees, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, lifting all restrictions on political parties, and all-inclusive dialogue between the authorities and the democratic forces, including ethnic groups,” the statement said.

From January to June 2009, the Czech Republic holds the presidency of the EU, followed by Sweden in the second half of the year. The Czech Republic is known to be sympathetic toward Burma’s pro-democracy movement. Its former president, Václav Havel, nominated Burma’s pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi for the Nobel Peace Prize, which she won in 1991.

The EU Presidency recalled the United Nations General Assembly’s resolution which said the political process in Burma is “not transparent, inclusive, [or] free and fair; and that the procedures established for the drafting of the constitution resulted in the de facto exclusion of the opposition from the process.”

The EU Presidency also said that it shared the view by UN Special Envoy to Burma Ibrahim Gambari, saying now is the time for the Burmese junta to demonstrate its commitment to addressing concretely the issues of concern to the international community.

Since 1996, the EU has had a common position on Burma. This includes economic sanctions, an arms embargo and visa bans on Burmese military officials and their family members, as well as restricting visits to Burma by high-level officials from EU member states. It tightened its sanctions on Burma following the junta’s crackdown on monk-led demonstrators in September 2007.

Although the EU still retains sanctions against the Burmese junta, the European Commission provided Euro 39 million (US $50 million) for the initial Cyclone Nargis recovery project in 2008.

The European Commissioner Benita Ferrero-Waldner previously addressed a Burma conference in October 2008 saying, “Some positive political signals [in Burma] can be perceived, such as the continuation of the political process—the ‘Road Map.’ However, much more needs to be achieved.”

Observers say the “Road Map” is the Burmese junta’s plan to enshrine military rule in Burma rather than encourage a process of democratization.

Ferrero-Waldner said Burma is in “dire need” of democratic reforms, release of political prisoners and good governance. She also said that the EU, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the UN had taken an “active role in fostering a dialogue on political reforms” in the country.

Last week, Burma’s main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), called for political dialogue without preconditions between the junta head Snr-Gen Than Shwe and the NLD leader, Suu Kyi.

READ MORE---> EU Calls for Political Reform in Burma...

Gas Discovery Reported Near Rangoon

By MIN LWIN
The Irrawaddy News

The Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) has located an inland gas deposit in Dagon Myothit Eastern Township near Rangoon, according to residents in the exploration area.

MOGE started drilling a test well on February 12 on land owned by a local farmer, Than Tun, near Laydaungkan Village, said a local farmer.

“The exploration group came into the bean fields to conduct seismic surveys in search of gas,” he said. He said drilling tests proved successful on February 14.

Another farmer from Laydaungkan Village said, “They destroyed the crops planted by Than Tun without compensation.” Than Tun was hospitalized because of stress associated with the drilling, he said.

MOGE, which operates under the Ministry of Energy, would not respond to queries from The Irrawaddy about the reported gas discovery. MOGE is the government’s exploration and production department for oil and gas in Burma.

At least 21 multinational oil and gas companies from China, Singapore, South Korea, India, Russia, Malaysia, Thailand, the United States, France, Japan and Australia have long-term contracts with MOGE. The Burmese military government began to allow foreign investments in energy production in 1988.

The military government has signed gas and oil contracts with multinationals such as Total of France; CNOOC and SNPC of China; Daewoo of South Korea; onGC of India; Danford Equities of Australia and PTTEP of Thailand.

According to the Rangoon-based Myanmar Times weekly journal, the Burmese energy sector, including hydropower, oil and gas, comprises 65 percent of Foreign Direct Investment, which is made up of 12 economic sectors that include power, energy, mining, manufacturing, hotels and tourism, livestock and fisheries, transportation and telecommunications.

READ MORE---> Gas Discovery Reported Near Rangoon...

Political prisoners set free in Myanmar

Ma Khin Khin Leh, pictured with her husband Kyaw Wunna -© Private

(Amnesty Org) - Twenty-four political prisoners were set free in Myanmar on Saturday after the government announced that it would release 6,313 prisoners.

One of those released is prisoner of conscience Ma Khin Khin Leh, who has been the subject of Amnesty International campaigns since her arrest in July 1999. The authorities detained her because they could not find her husband, Kyaw Wunna, who was connected to a pro-democracy march expected to take place that month.

Of the other released political prisoners, there were nine Buddhist monks and one nun. Some were members of Myanmar’s opposition party, the National League for Democracy. These included Dr. Zaw Myint Maung, a MP-elect who had been in prison since 1990.

Another man, Zaw Naing Htwe, was released from a labour camp. Zaw Naing Htwe was sentenced to nine years in prison in December 2008 because he had received a letter from his elder brother, who was one of the imprisoned 88 Generation Students group leaders.

"There are still more than 2,100 political prisoners behind bars in Myanmar. Many of them are in poor health, partly as a result of harsh prison conditions," said Donna Guest, Asia Pacific Deputy Director.

“While the release of these prisoners is welcome, the Myanmar government must release all other prisoners of conscience immediately and unconditionally."

READ MORE---> Political prisoners set free in Myanmar...

Myanmar political prisoners released

(CNN) -- Nineteen political prisoners were released by the government of Myanmar over the weekend, the human rights group Amnesty International reported Tuesday.

Among those released was Ma Khin Khin Leh, who was serving a life sentence because her husband, a student activist, had helped plan a protest demonstration in Bago in July 1999, according to Amnesty International USA's Web blog

Authorities prevented the demonstration from taking place, but took the woman and her three-year-old daughter into custody after failing to find her husband, Amnesty International said.

The child was released after five days but her mom, a 33-year-old school teacher, was sentenced to life in prison.

"Even by the normally harsh standards of 'justice' meted out by Myanmar's military government, the life sentence given to Ma Khin Khin Leh was extreme," the human rights organization said.

She was designated one of Amnesty International USA's priority cases. She was released with 18 others "widely considered to be political prisoners," Amnesty International said.

Myanmar's military rulers have been widely condemned for their alleged human rights abuses.

Pro-democracy leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi has been confined in her home for 12 of the past 18 years. Her last house arrest began in 2003 and has been periodically renewed.

In October 2007, clashes erupted between pro-democracy demonstrators and government security forces. As many as 110 people are believed to have been killed in that crackdown, including 40 Buddhist monks.

The protests were sparked by a huge fuel price increase imposed by the military government, and quickly escalated. Myanmar's military junta said in mid-October that it had detained more than 2,900 people amid the clashes.

In September 2008, Amnesty International reported that Myanmar, also called Burma, had released seven dissidents, among them U Win Tin, a journalist and senior official in the opposition National League for Democracy who had been imprisoned for 19 years.

READ MORE---> Myanmar political prisoners released...

Drugs – junta’s short and straight road to Obama

By SHAN
Shan Herald Agency for News

Drugs-again-appear to be a key factor in the ruling military junta’s attempt to influence a change in the new US administration’s Burma policy in its favor.

The regime had already tried at least once during the first years of George W. Bush who came to office in 2001. Well-known DCI Associates was contracted to lobby for it. Violent crackdown on poppy cultivation in northern Shan State was launched. The campaign culminated in the visit to Washington by Brig-Gen (then Col) Kyaw Thein on 13 May 2002 to meet with the drug officials there.

However, feelings against the junta were high in the US capital, especially after the 20-June 2002 publication of License to Rape by the Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF) and Shan Women’s Action Network (SWAN), a scathing report on the regime’s use of sexual violence in the war against the armed opposition in Shan State. Which finally led to call it quits by Gen Khin Nyunt, the lobby’s mastermind.

Now, 7 years after, with the election of Barack Obama who has arrived amid the Hamburger crisis on the world’s stage with a vow for change, the leaders in Naypyitaw are dusting off their old lobbying strategy.

The first indication came with persistent directives to the commanders in Shan State for an all out war against poppy cultivation. They came at a time when earlier warnings by local army units, whose survival depends on the local people’s monetary and food contribution, to grow poppies “only on the nape (out of sight) and not on the forehead (in sight)” had largely become too routine to the point of being ignored by both the warners and warned.

Many fields in Southern Shan State grown within eyesight from the motor roads were thus struck down by the Army. “We have already paid our taxes for the season,” complained a farmer in Namzang, who was unaware of the orders from above. “Why are they doing this?”

Knowing the dilemma the local troops were facing, Naypyitaw even dispatched its own security units to the Shan-Kayah border to destroy several fields, reported border-based Karenni Anti-Drugs Action Committee (KADAC) in December.

Unfortunately for the farmers, though many more fields were spared by the local army columns, they were not by the gods who appeared to be in favor of the regime. According to sources from southern Shan State, a large number of fields were either washed away or sunk by the late monsoon downpours. Some of those that survived the rains were later stunted by intense frost bite.

Bu all accounts, only fields in eastern Shan State came through. “Little damage by the rains and frost,” said a pro-junta Lahu militia member in Mongton township opposite Chiangmai. “And by the time Burmese columns arrived to destroy the fields, most of them were already harvested.”

“The columns slashed down whatever that was left anyway,” he added.

Another indication came from Col Tin Maung Swe, area commander in Kunhing township, 140 miles east of Shan State capital Taunggyi, who told a meeting of government officials on 2 January that whether or not the 2010 elections would go according to plan depended on 4 factors.

* Disruptive actions by the opposition
* Continued tension with Bangladesh over territorial dispute
* Completion of national census
* Success of the drug eradication project vital in convincing the new administration in Washington

The latest haul in Rangoon on 25 January of 118kg of heroin stowed on a Singaporean flagged cargo ship involved increased cooperation not only with Chinese narcs but also with the United States’ Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), according the National League for Democracy’s Foreign Affairs Officer Nyo Ohn Myint. Not only that, he said, but a return to Washington of Lin Myaing, Burmese ambassador who was recalled following Khin Nyunt’s ouster in 2004, could be a strong indicator of the resumption of the drug lobby.

The real test of Naypyitaw’s seriousness of course would be its policy toward the United Wa State Army (UWSA), many leaders of whom are already on Washington’s blacklist.

Tension between the two sides have been on the upsurge since the termination of the nationwide referendum on the “Nargis Constitution” in May.

The group has been under heavy pressure to “exchange arms for peace,” an official euphemism for surrender, in contrast to the other main ceasefire group in Shan State, the Shan State Army (SSA) North. The latter has already been informed at least twice that talks on the “exchange arms for peace” issue will be reopened only after a new government has been installed.

Obviously, this is still a big gamble.

On 18 February, Washington, through its new Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, has already signaled possibility of a major shift in its Burma policy.

The question remains how Beijing will respond to it. In the meanwhile, the Opposition will be having its hands full trying to tackle with the rather uphill job for continued international support.

READ MORE---> Drugs – junta’s short and straight road to Obama...

The role of the media in Burma’s transition to democracy

By Htet Aung Kyaw

(DVB)–In much of Europe, the US, Australia and Japan, media workers are safe and sound. But in Burma, while the military junta is still in power, it is very difficult and dangerous work.

One foreign journalist was killed in the 2007 Saffron Revolution while some citizen journalists are still missing. At least twelve journalists were detained during the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis and the constitutional referendum in May 2008. Some received long-term prison sentences, including bloggers Zarganar and Nay Phone Latt, while print journalists have been jailed for three to seven years.

There were three reasons why these people were arrested. One: for sending information and pictures to exile media, including DVB. Two: for reporting stories about the life of Nargis refugees, corruption in the judicial system and whatever else the government does not want the public to know about, in private journals in Rangoon. Three: for writing stories about Nargis and the Saffron Revolution on blogs. According to the Burma Media Association and Reporters Sans Frontieres, at least 12 journalists and dozens of media workers including poets and writers are still in jail.

The media in Burma

In my view, there are six kinds of media in Burma. One is the government's 100 percent controlled media, such as state-run TV, short wave and FM radio and newspapers. Two is the 75 percent government-controlled media or so-called private print media, including around 300 journals and magazines.

Three is the exile or foreign-based broadcast media, such as DVB's satellite TV, short wave radio service from DVB, RFA (Radio Free Asia), VOA (Voice of America) and the BBC's Burmese Service. Four is the internet news services based in exile, such as the English-language Irrawaddy and Mizzima, or the New Era and Network Media Group in Burmese.

Five is the ethnic language internet news service, such as the Independent Mon News Agency, Kachin News Group, Kaladan Press, Kantarawaddy Times, Kaowao News, Khonumthung News, Narinjara News and Shan Herald Agency for News. The DVB airs 30 minutes of ethnic language programmes every day while the RFA also airs some broadcasts. Six is the blogs inside and outside the country.

According to some researchers, the biggest audiences (around 5 to 10 million listeners or 10 to 20 percent of the country's population) are reached by foreign-based short wave radios – VOA, BBC, RFA and DVB, while DVB's satellite TV takes second place. The third is likely to be government-controlled TV and radio while private weekly journals are fourth. However, internet news services and blogs are gaining popularity these days, especially among young people, although the government trying to control access strictly.

What is the media doing today?

Every day in Burma, state-controlled TV just shows the generals and government officials visiting some development projects while the government radio airs the generals' speeches. The next day in the newspapers, print journalists repeat the same stories with some pictures added and harsh words to attack opposition and western countries who sanction them. So the audiences lose interest on government media but they turn on the TV to watch Korean movies and also buy the newspapers to read the obituaries and skip straight to the back page where they are found.

Journalists working for the 300 private journals and magazines have no chance to write stories on political, economic or social issues as these are censored by the Press Scrutiny Board. Instead, every week they just print pictures of sexy ladies, stories about fashion and pop music, horoscopes and foreign sport news. Even then, they are not allowed to write the country's losing sport and so all sport journals focus instead on the English Premier League, Spain's La Liga, Italy's Serie A and the UEFA Cup. However, the public is still buying the journals as they want to find out about local news which is rare to see in the government-controlled media or exile broadcasts.

Meanwhile, the exile or foreign-based media's main focus is the opposition and pro-democracy movement inside the country and overseas. The crackdown on the 2007 Saffron Revolution, the death toll from Cyclone Nargis and the long prison terms given to hundreds of activist have been the main stories over the past year or so. Apart from the opposition movement, most other stories focus on local authorities' abuse of power, such as the use of force labour, forced portering and guard duty, land confiscation and extortion. They also air stories on the hardship of people's daily life. But it is still rare to hear stories about education, social issues, health, the environment and grassroots activism as we are far from the ground. We also have difficulties trying to interview government officials and so some stories are still one-sided.

Censorship and self-censorship

According to RSF, the government in Burma has used a very large spectrum of mechanisms and policies to oppress journalists and suppress freedom of expression. All the news stories and articles which you see in private journals and magazines in Rangoon has been censored by Press Scrutiny Board. The main job of publishers and chief editors is to try to strike a good deal with PSB officials, which means giving gifts of whisky, tobacco or money to encourage them to approve their stories on time. All stories must be sent to the PSB a week before their publishing date so the news in private journals is never up to date.

Moreover, every journal and magazine must add at least one story from the Information Ministry – either propaganda about government activities or an attack on the opposition and the pro-democracy movement. Sometimes, when the propaganda machine is busy, chief editors are pressured to write these stories themselves. Every journalist needs permission from the relevant ministers to interview any civil servant. Young and active journalists have often been detained on the accusation that they have not had proper permission from a minister. In some cases, journalists have been beaten up by government thugs for trying to write about corruption of officials or murder cases.

Meanwhile, journalists in exile, especially donor-based media organisations, face a different form of censorship or self-censorship. "You can criticise the military regime as much as you want but leave us alone," is a big joke in our circle, referring to the unofficial warning from the pro-democracy groups. Many politicians in exile and inside the country have a limited understanding of the role of independent media. They are still not sure if we are their comrades or independent media guys. This is because most journalists working for the exile media are former activists. In actual fact, we are heading for the same goal – democracy – but in different ways.

"Now is not the right time for criticism within the movement. All it will do is benefit the enemies of the democracy movement and the military regime," some politicians have told me.

Moreover, there are different kinds of donors – some prefer to promote media freedom while others prefer to support the opposition movement. Some pro-democracy groups have sent letters of complaint to donors when we have criticised the weak points of the exile movement. This could make it very hard for those of us media organisations who want to play an independent role in the coming 2010 election, which most pro-democracy groups oppose. They are still holding on to the result of the 1990 election and are demanding this result be respected before a new election can go ahead.

What is the role of media in the 2010 election and the transition to democracy?

Many observers say that foreign-based Burmese language short wave radio stations and satellite TV will play a key role in the upcoming election, in contrast to the 1990 election. This is because DVB was only born in 1992 and RFA in 1997 while the BBC and VOA only began to play an active role after DVB and RFA were set up. But no one knows yet how much the regime will allows the foreign media to cover the run-up to the election. As we all know, the junta did not allow foreign journalists to cover the Nargis aftermath last year or the Saffron Revolution in 2007. However, all media in exile, especially DVB's satellite TV broadcast, are constantly providing up to date information. So this might continue as we approach the pre-election era.

I'm not sure how the situation will change in the run-up to the election. But one thing I'm sure of is that we now have a key role to play urging the public to tell the truth. Here in Barcelona, or in other European countries, telling the truth is normal, but it is very dangerous in Burma. One foreign diplomat was jailed for three years in Burma for using a fax machine without proper permission from the authorities in 1996. At least one MP was jailed for seven years for giving a telephone interview to the BBC in 1998. At least one more person was imprisoned for listening to our broadcast over a loudspeaker in 1999. Two men were jailed for seven years for reading the New Era Journal in 2002. Since 2002, many more have been jailed in connection with media activities but the junta no longer prosecutes them under media law but instead brings criminal charges.

In this situation, urging the public to speak out is not an easy task. But we have had people calling in every day since 2002. This is because our media – I mean all foreign-based radio and internet news services – is the one place where they can tell the truth or express their true feelings. Most of our audience's true feelings are, "Can no one take action against this regime and the local authorities who abuse their power?" The most of civilian in Burma are still used for force labour, forced portering and guard duty, or are victims of land confiscation or extortion by soldiers, police and local authorities, day in, day out. But, despite hundreds of complaint letters sent by these villagers to the government offices in Naypyidaw, no one can take action against these authorities.

"Talking to you radio stations is the only way to take action against the local authorities who abuse their power," I was told by an editor in Rangoon. "I have seen a lot of evidence of action being taken after you broadcast news stories about their abuses. This is a good sign for the media" the editor commented. That is why many members of the public, including farmer, villagers and tribespeople in the countryside talk to us. But the authorities, although they monitor our broadcasts, never reply to our enquiries.

Supporting independent media

An independent media is vital in the transition to democracy in Burma. Although there is no independent media in the country, we exile journalists and some active journalists in private journals in Rangoon are playing a key role in urging the people to speak out. I hope that telling the truth can be the first step towards acting on the truth, and perhaps in this way the people will vote for the opposition in the election and will no longer be afraid of the military.

I want to urge the EU and the Western community to use some of their money for media projects and to encourage people to tell the truth. Not only supporting the exile media, but also looking for any opportunity to challenge government control of the media and to change the mindset of the generals who see the media as their enemy. Unless the generals' negative view of independent media can be changed, it will remain hard for foreign journalists to go Burma.

Recently, some Scandinavian ministers visited to Burma with a media crew from their country to check how the military regime was using their donation of hundreds of millions of kroner to Nargis-affected areas. But the regime would not allow the media crew into the area, only the ministers. This is unacceptable to a democratic community that respects independent monitoring, transparency, accountability and credibility. Without media oversight, how can you donate millions of Euros to the military regime? Should you still donate if the military takes 50 percent of your donation? But if you do not, the people not even get that 50 percent.

Let me conclude this discussion with a comment from RSF's Asia director, Vincent Brossel: "As we usually say, 'There is no freedom without press freedom.' But in the case of Burma, we might say, 'There will be no press freedom without democracy.’”

Htet Aung Kyaw is a senior journalist for the Oslo-based Democratic Voice of Burma. His book, "Far from Home: 20 years in Exile", was published in Thailand last month.

READ MORE---> The role of the media in Burma’s transition to democracy...

Chin villagers forced to work as army porters

(DVB)–State Peace and Development Council troops have been forcing local people to work as porters during offensives against Arakan Liberation Party fighters in Paletwa township, Chin state.

Soldiers from Infantry Battalion–289 forced villagers from Mwe-Letwa, Myeikwa, Shin-Letwa and Kalachaung to carry supplies and ammunition for the army to the Indian border through high mountains.

ALP guerrillas have been ambushing Burmese army supply convoys by the sea route.

The army is carrying out the offensives to clear the rebels from the region, ALP secretary major Khaing Myo Win said.

"We ambushed the enemy and confiscated their supplies two days ago while they were carrying them by boats,” he said.

“Our people and villagers carried them for us. When the army found this out they began targeting our area mainly."

Indian border guarding troops are also close to border crossing points on the request of IB–289. Villagers are worried they will be forced out of their villages to settle in India as refugees if there are clashes.

Reporting by Khin Maung Soe Min

READ MORE---> Chin villagers forced to work as army porters...

Schools in Tachilek collect student money for UNICEF aid

By Hseng Khio Fah
Shan Herald Agency for News

Schools in Tachilek Township, eastern Shan State, collected money from students to get schooling materials conferred by the United Nations International Children’s Education Fund (UNICEF), according to local sources.

Materials were reportedly handed to the Educational Department of Tachilek early this year by the UNICEF.

The UNICEF had donated stationery supplies to 9 townships in Burma, including Mudon Township, Mon State, and Tachilek, where most children don’t speak Burmese language.

The materials were distributed to the students on 14 February, said a source.

Every student from each school would be given 10 exercise books, 5 pencils, 2 erasers and a ruler.
But the teachers asked 5 Baht ($0.14) from each student before handing the materials to them.

There are 56 schools from primary to high schools in Tachilek. The number of the students is estimated about 15,000.

Students from some schools were asked to pay more from 10 to 20 Baht each, said a source.

“We don’t want to fuss about 5 or 10 baht given to the teachers because we don’t want our children to be embarrassed in their class. They’ve been doing to us like this for a long time now anyway,” said a mother of a student from Makahokham.

Each student from No.1 High School has also been required to pay 10 Baht for drinking water per month, said a mother who has a child going at that school.

The school has more than 2,000 students and each class has more than 30 students.

The said school is known to be for wealthier families, but last year, some teachers from that school were reported of demanding money from students to enter examinations.

Final examinations from primary school to middle school will begin in the last week of February.

READ MORE---> Schools in Tachilek collect student money for UNICEF aid...

Two internet users detained in Myitkyina for the first time

(KNG) - For the first time in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin state, the police detained two local internet users on February 17, for surfing websites banned by the ruling military junta, said local sources.

The two internet users are local Kachin youths from Yuzana quarter. They were arrested from their homes by policemen soon after they came back from the internet café --- the "Empire" in Ayeya quarter, opposite No. (1) Police Station, said local sources.

They were arrested for browsing overseas-based Burmese websites ranged against the ruling junta in keeping with the junta's internet rules and regulations. They have been put in a prison cell in the No. (1) Police Station, said sources close to the duo.

At the moment, the personal details and activities of the two Kachin internet users are not known but the Empire internet café is owned by a Burmese national (Burman) and was opened last year, said sources close to the two.

Another local internet user who was in the same internet café at that time, told KNG, that they seemed to be under surveillance by the police, who were monitoring whether they were visiting websites against the ruling junta. Soon after the two Kachin internet users went back home from the café, policemen quizzed the owner of the Empire internet café and asked "Who had used the internet at that point of time and where they were from?"

He added that the policemen went and arrested the two youths from Yuzana quarter after finding out from the owner of the internet café where they lived.

In Burma, sending emails and browsing any website critical of the ruling junta is banned and a notice to this effect is pasted in every internet café, said local internet users. The junta has blocked all independent websites related to Burma based outside the country including the Kachin News Group (www.kachinnews.com) which covers news from Kachin state and Burma in English and Kachin versions.

There are less than 10 internet cafes in Myitkyina downtown unlike Mandalay and Rangoon where internet users are always under surveillance by the secret police in plainclothes, said regular internet users.

On November 10, 2008, a court in Rangoon sentenced a Burmese internet blogger Nay Myo Kyaw (28), who wrote blogs under the name Nay Phone Latt, to 20 years and six months in jail. He was also arrested for being involved in the monk-led protests in September 2007.

READ MORE---> Two internet users detained in Myitkyina for the first time...

Quintana says rights situation in Burma 'challenging'

In love , war and politics every bit counts to the players but to patienc...?

(DVB)–United Nations special rapporteur Tomas Ojea Quintana has said the human rights situation in Burma remains challenging, but noted some positive signs at the end of his second visit to the country.

Speaking at a press conference in Rangoon before he left Burma yesterday, Quintana said he could not say the situation had tangibly improved.

"The human rights situation in Myanmar is still challenging. It is difficult for me to affirm that the human rights situation has improved,” he said.

“However, I have to say, regarding my recommendations to the government, I found positive signs.”

The special rapporteur said some steps had been taken on the four human rights recommendations he set out during his last visit in August 2008.

Quintana’s proposals at that time were the progressive release of political prisoners, a review of domestic laws that do not comply with international human rights standards, reform of the military and the establishment of an independent judiciary.

Quintana said he had discussed the issue of political prisoners with the minister of home affairs, who said he would consider the special rapporteur’s recommendation.

On the issue of domestic legislation, Quintana said the Burmese government had started the process of reviewing the relevant laws.

Some steps had also been taken towards addressing the impartiality of the judiciary, Quintana said.

The special rapporteur said he had met the chief justice and discussed cooperating with independent judges and lawyers of the UN in order to start a process of reforming the judiciary.

Quintana spent six days in Burma from 14 to 19 February to assess human rights developments made since his last visit.

During his trip, he visited Pa-an and Insein prisons where he spoke to five political prisoners, and met representatives of armed ceasefire groups as well as speaking to a number of government officials.

Reporting by DVB

READ MORE---> Quintana says rights situation in Burma 'challenging'...

Palaung organisations speak out against election

(DVB)–Palaung political organisations have called on the international community not to endorse the military regime’s 2008 constitution and to oppose the planned 2010 election.

In a statement released yesterday, the Palaung State Liberation Front, the Palaung Women’s Organisation and the Ta’ang Student and Youth Organisation said the 2010 election would only prolong the junta’s rule.

The statement urged the UN and the Association of South East Asian Nations to pressure the Burmese regime into holding meaningful dialogue with the opposition, reviewing the 2008 constitution and releasing all political prisoners.

“We firmly believe that ASEAN should make a collective approach on urging SPDC to improving its human rights records and push them to conduct the meaningful of political dialogue with democratic groups and ethnic groups in the upcoming ASEAN summit in late February,” the statement said.

“This is an essential time for the UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon to use his personal influence to press the military regime’s plans to democratic atmosphere which can be a peaceful solution for Burma by persuading ASEAN and its neighboring countries.”

The statement also called for the cessation of all attacks against opposition forces, ethnic and religious groups.

Mai Aik, general secretary of the Palaung State Liberation Front, said the Palaung organisations were echoing the call of the National League for Democracy for a new constitution.

"The 2010 election will make official the 2008 constitution which was written with the aim of prolonging the life of this military regime,” Mai Aik said.

“We are making the same call as the NLD made recently; to review the constitution and to write a new one with conditions where everyone can participate," he said.

"We would also like to urge the United Nations secretary general Mr Ban Ki-moon to push countries in Asia, including ASEAN members and Burma's neighbours, to pressure Burma for change at the upcoming ASEAN summit."

Reporting by Aye Nai

READ MORE---> Palaung organisations speak out against election...

Activist Su Su Nway’s sentence reduced

(DVB)–The prison sentence of labour rights activist Su Su Nway, who was jailed for 12 and a half years in November 2008, has been reduced by four years by Rangoon division court, according to her lawyer.

Su Su Nway, 36, who rose to prominence after reporting forced labour practices to the International Labour Organisation, was arrested in November 2007 and was sentenced to 12 and a half years in prison last November.

Her lawyers Kyi Win and Khin Htay Kywe lodged a number of appeals on her behalf, arguing that she had been jailed unfairly as she had done nothing illegal.

Last week, the sentences of famous comedian Zarganar and journal editor Zaw Thet Htway were also reduced.

Legal expert and National League for Democracy spokesperson Nyan Win said he welcomed the decision to shorten the jail terms but said the sentences had been unjust in the first place.

"They have not reduced the sentences. They have just said the sentences should be served concurrently so it looks like the sentences have been reduced,” Nyan Win said.

“As the sentences were extreme, it is good that they have shortened them but they have still not released the people,” he said.

“They are doing it for political gain, not for legal reasons. If they had followed the law, there would have been no reason for them to give such heavy sentences."

Reporting by Nan Kham Kaew

READ MORE---> Activist Su Su Nway’s sentence reduced...

70 suspects interrogated over theft

(DVB)–Around 70 people have been arrested and interrogated in the Mon state capital Moulmein after a pickpocket stole money and a mobile phone from the wife of the regional military commander, a local resident said.

The thief stole 700,000 kyat and a mobile phone from the wife of the Southeastern Command commander while she was shopping at Myoma market at around 10am on 11 February, a Moulmein resident said.

"She came to shop at the market and it's certain that she was pocketed there,” the resident said.

“That's all we know. The news spread around the town like wildfire."

As the culprit has not been caught, the authorities are continuing to interrogate various suspects at Rangoon’s main railway station, while others have also been beaten and arrested at Moulmein train station.

Those arrested have been kept in three separate police stations in Rangoon and beaten and interrogated, witnesses in Rangoon said.

When DVB contacted the local police station for comment, an officer on duty referred the reporter to the state police, who said they had not received any report on the matter.

Reporting by Nan Kham Kaew

READ MORE---> 70 suspects interrogated over theft...

Popular Burmese Blogger’s Jail Term Reduced - Nay Pone Latt

The Irrawaddy News

The jailed Burmese blogger Nay Pone Latt has had his prison sentence cut from 20 years and six months to 12 years on appeal, his lawyer said on Friday.

Nay Pone Latt, who was well known for his Internet blogs, was originally sentenced to a total of 20 years and six months on three separate charges. An appeals court cut one 15 year sentence to seven years and a second sentence of three and a half years to three years. A third sentence of two years was left untouched.

One of his alleged offences was to store a cartoon depicting junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe in his email.

Nay Phone Latt’s lawyer, Khin Htay Kywe, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that she had learnt today that a two-month appeal had resulted in the reduction of two of the prison terms, which had been imposed by a special court in Rangoon’s Insein Prison.

After sentencing, Nay Phone Latt was transferred late last year to distant Pa-an Prison in Karen State.

Nay Phone Latt was the latest of several political prisoners whose sentences have been recently reduced. The popular comedian Zarganar had his 59 year sentence reduced to 24 years.

Observers in Rangoon said it was thought the reduction of some of the severest prison sentences was connected with the six-day visit to Burma by UN Human Rights Rapporteur Tomas Ojea, which ended on Thursday.

“The human rights situation in Myanmar [Burma] is still challenging,” he told a press conference at Rangoon Airport before leaving. “It’s difficult to affirm that the human rights situation has improved.”

During his visit, Quintana had talks with Burma’s Minister of Home Affairs, Maj-Gen Maung Oo, and Chief Justice Aung Toe.

Burma has an estimated 2,100 political prisoners, many of them sentenced to long terms of imprisonment for their part in the September 2007 uprising.

READ MORE---> Popular Burmese Blogger’s Jail Term Reduced - Nay Pone Latt...

NLD Criticizes Gambari-Japan Joint-statement

By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy News

Ahead of the United Nations Security Council’s closed session on Burma on Friday, the main opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) said it disagreed with a joint-statement by UN Special Envoy to Burma Ibrahim Gambari and Japan’s foreign minister on Thursday.

Nyan Win, an NLD spokesperson, told The Irrawaddy, “The party issued two statements yesterday because we want to response to The United Nations Special Envoy to Burma Ibrahim Gambari’s co-statement with Japan’s foreign minister in Tokyo on February 12.”

“As well, as we want to make a clarification on our stand on unconditional dialogue as well as NLD willingness for UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s trip to the country,” he said.

The joint-statement issued by Gambari and Japanese Foreign Minister Hirofumi Nakasone said they agreed to encourage the Burmese junta to hold general elections in 2010 in a form that could be accepted by the international community.

The NLD said it was concerned that the joint statement was not consistent with NLD demands as well as resolutions by the UN General Assembly which honor the 1990 election results.

In the joint-statement , Hirofumi Nakasone said, “Even though there are few positive moves by the Myanmar [Burma] government, it's a huge step for them to have announced that they would hold a general election in 2010, compared with two past decades of silence about its democratization process.”

“If they [the junta] take favorable action, the international community should react in a manner that encourages more positive actions,” he said.

Japan is one of the main donor countries to Burma. Japan cut its assistance to Burma after the crackdown on demonstrators in September 2007. During the crackdown, Japanese videographer Kenji Nagai was killed by Burmese security forces. Japan has never applied economic sanctions against the Burmese junta, as have the United States and European countries.

In early 2006, Japan, along with China and Russian, rejected a proposal to take the Burma issue to the UN Security Council. Analysts say that Japan has sometimes worked to tone down criticism of Burma in the UN, because it wants to counter Beijing’s influence in the regime.

In its statement, the NLD also outlined three policy principles that it said were presented to Gambari when he met with the NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other NLD officials during his most recent visit to Burma.

The first was the release of all political prisoners unconditionally. Human rights groups claim there are more than 2,100 political prisoners in Burma’s prisons.

The second was face-to-face dialogue between Suu Kyi and the junta’s leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, to resolve political problems in the country. The third was a review of the 2008 junta-backed-constitution.

The NLD has said it will not take part in the election unless their demands are met.

When Gambari asked what was the first NLD priority, the officials said it was the release of all political prisoners, according to the statement.

NLD sources have said that on Gambari’s visit to Burma in August 2008, the party met with him twice. In the first meeting, Gambari pushed the NLD to join the 2010 election. Party officials criticized his request, saying it went beyond his role as a mediator.

The United Nationalities Alliance, which represents ethnic parties in Burma, declared its support of the NLD on Friday, calling for the release of political prisoners, a political dialogue and opposition to the 2010 general election.

It urged the UN and the international community “to refrain from supporting the regime’s unilateral roadmap [to democracy] and planed election.”

Following Gambari’s recent four-day trip to Burma, the Karen National Union (KNU) issued a statement on Thursday.

“We are concerned that once again a United Nations envoy has visited Burma without also meeting with genuine representatives of Burma’s ethnic nationalities, such as the Karen National Union,” the statement said.

The KNU said ethnic people should not be sidelined in any future discussion on a national reconciliation process in Burma.

READ MORE---> NLD Criticizes Gambari-Japan Joint-statement...

Divide and Conquer, Than Shwe Style

By Buffalohair Gazette

With dissention throughout Burma over Than Shwe’s latest attempt to legitimize his criminal reign with his proposed 2010 election. It is all too obvious his new publication, The New Lie of Myanmar, is in need of fodder to spread vial propaganda. Already there is news of old rivalries and religious differences springing up around Burma. Clearly this is a tactic to keep a suffering nations divided with old fears and past intercessions. With everyone arguing over forgotten differences his campaign of hate can continue while people are at odds with one another. The Roman’s called it “Divide and Conquer”.

The New Lie of Myanmar already tried to smear the KNU to UN Human Rights emissary Tom Quintana with total falsehoods and blatant lies. This propaganda machine tried to place blame for the rape and murder of the Karen’s on the KNU when in fact it was committed by Than Shwe’s death squads who rape and kill with impunity. With eye witness accounts, volumes of photos and video identifying Burmese Troops as the true perpetrators, it is still odd to me why Quintana needed to go to Burma and investigate. Shades of Gambari I fear.

But nothing highlights this act of divide and conquer than an event that took place on February 10. A military unit of 70 well armed soldiers dressed in camouflaged uniforms, AK-47’s M-22’s and other Chinese ordinance, typical of the Burmese Army, robber a convoy of trucks on the bustling Mandalay-Muse border trade route according to an article in the *Kachin News. This event might have passed as a rouge group if it were not for the fact the Burmese Army has done this kind of operation time and time again. The only thing missing were the unite patches but they clearly were the same players who robbed this trade route before.

Obviously this was an attempt to cause animosity between the different ethnic groups by casting suspicions between them. There is no question The New Lie of Myanmar will identify Shan or Kachin troops or even the KNU in the blatant armed robbery. Maybe they will blame the Free Burma Rangers or me. No matter who this trash liner of a publication tries to identify, it is clear Than Shwe’s psychological warfare tactics will try to divide ethnic groups. With this in mind one must weigh the facts fore the truth will be known eventually.

With many people living in the big cities, this propaganda machine could possibly taint public opinion to show cause for continuing Than Shwe’s war on truth and democracy. The outcome would be the continued wholesale arrests and murders of all opposition to his 2010 election. There is a saying that if you tell a lie long enough people will accept it for truth. By poisoning public opinion and causing dissention between ethnic groups Than Shwe will effectively divide a country with his acts of terrorism and placing blame on others. He would also show the world that he is fighting criminals to keep the peace in Burma and justifying his holocaust. Maybe this is just a show for Quintana and the rest of the UN or an excuse the UN needed to qualify the 2010 elections. We must stand vigil since there will be more events such as the one on the Mandalay-Muse trade route. If it smells like a rat, it most probably is. And we all know Than Shwe will stoop to any level to fool the public and the world.

READ MORE---> Divide and Conquer, Than Shwe Style...

Indonesia's Foreign Minister criticises Burma's lack of progress

Indonesia's Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda has criticised Burma's lack of progress towards democracy, as well as its human rights record.

But he says the international community must stay engaged with Indonesia's fellow ASEAN member, arguing that pressure and sanctions have proved ineffective in achieving change.

Dr Wirajuda has told Radio Australia's Connect Asia program that the regional problem created by the outflow of Rohingya refugees only emphasises the need for an international approach.

"There is a sign of moving here and as a process of course you cannot expect that we can change tomorrow," he said.

"But we are all working and in fact I would say that the neighbouring countries of Burma not only ASEAN have also worked together."

The Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda is in Sydney for two days of discussions with the Australian government.

Calls for Australia to lift Indonesian travel warnings

The Indonesian Foreign Minister, Hassan Wirajuda says he will keep raising the issue of Australian travel warnings, despite failing in his latest appeal for them to be lifted.

Australia says travel advisories are assessed regularly on the basis of expert advice.

But Dr Wirajuda says the there haven't been been any recent terrorist bombings, and potential threats are often exaggerated.

He's told Radio Australia's Connect Asia program, Australia should follow the example of countries such as the United States and lift its travel advice.

"It's more a matter of Australians to decide of course, but it has to be commensurated through the developments on the ground," he said.

"First there has been no incidents of terrorism bombings in Indonesia in the past three years and countries like the United States and Canada have lifted their travel warnings since last year.

"The fact there has been quite a flowing of tourists from Australia it is also a fact, the Australian people themselves decide whether to travel to Indonesia by their own judgement, so it is in this context that we see that it is timely for the Australian government to lift the travel advice.

"Indonesia is one of the most successful countries in combating terrorism so the potential threat was often overblown, our police have been very effective in their task to combat terrorism."

Radio Australia News

READ MORE---> Indonesia's Foreign Minister criticises Burma's lack of progress...

Rohingya, Tha Shwe and Burmese racism

For years we have known who and what Than Shwe is. I read so many tags about him and his junta that I lost count already.

The Rohingya have brought into the spotlight human rights in Burma once more in a more tangible way as “a regional hindrance” that needs attention. Although a very sad situation, I am thankful to the Rohingya for bring human rights into the regional focus demanding prompt attention. I wish and hope they return home to lead a peaceful life. BTW, the Rohingya are not a hindrance, the situation they have been forced by the junta to create in order to survive is.

But this Rohingya boatpeople situation has caused a bit of havoc among the community, the Rohingya lovers versus the ones against coloured skinned. True compassionless colours bloomed for the meme only, only the satin skinned Burmese deserve outside help. The dark chocolates aaaah too bitter to swallow, “ignore them or move onto someone else that needs help like the ivory skinned relations left behind”. My comment sounds racist unfortunately, I am here for ALL, no matter the color, the size, or deformities inflicted by the cruel select few junta and their litter.

The amazing part comes when I learned through a comment that Than Shwe has written to Mr Obama not once but twice asking the “skin coloured” new US President to remove the sanctions. Than Shwe won’t even shake hands with Mr Gambari, because Mr Gambari is just another “black” public servant doing his job. But the Than Shwe envoy at the United Nations had to swallow hard, smile, shake hands and accept a cheque from the Zimbabwe’s envoy as a donation towards the Nargis program.

I was told over and over again that the junta is greedy and now I think is not only the junta, the pure, satin, handsome skinned Burmese prostitute themselves not for love to humanity or their country but love for money and/or greed. (By the way for the ones lacking the language prostitute as in lowering self standards with the means to obtain something wanted)

President Obama knows who and what he is. He is a man with colour skin; he also knows he has a human value and a big brain. Mr Obama a very special person values people for who they are, whether they are Rohingya, Black Americans, Porto Ricans, Muslims or Christians etc, he feels and he is letting us know we are ALL EQUAL and we all have rights to enjoy our lives on earth.

Mr Obama wants to apply UNITY to his country and extend it to the world, we are part of that world and we also need to accept reality. We are many and we all come in different colours and shapes. There is plenty of room for ALL of us to share our corners.

For a racist who thinks life brought him into this life to live among the ‘selected few’, who feels the earth is only to be habituated by him and his kind. This person needs to think again, as one day this racist could be laying in a hospital bed waiting to extend his life a bit longer only if a blood/organ donor that matches his blood/organ type arrives on time to keep him alive.

Nobody has obligations with anybody, we are all capable to take responsibilities for our lives, some choose to help other’s choice is to be selfish. The blood donor makes a choice to donate his blood to save the racist, and the blood donor is black and ogre looking,

Oh what a dilemma… The racist comes at this point of his life and has to make a decision, “do I take the blood transfusion that will extend my life? Do I want to carry the ogre’s blood in me? Will I turn ogre look alike with the transfusion? Or do I wait for the next selfish white skinned to make up his mind to donate and save me?”

Rangoon, the Delta were savagely affected and neglected last year, accidents happen, do you think you are free from misfortune? The roller-coaster goes up and must come down we all need each other at certain point in our lives.

We just have to learn to live with each other and practice tolerance, that is if we want to practice true democracy where everybody is treated equally.

Jeg
Source: Burma Wants Freedom & Democracy


Also READ: Divide and Conquer, Than Shwe Style

READ MORE---> Rohingya, Tha Shwe and Burmese racism...