China’s Failed Foreign Policy

By NYO OHN MYINT/MOE ZAW OO
The Irrawaddy News

The recent breakdown of a two-decade-old ceasefire between Burma’s military junta and ethnic militias in the country’s north demonstrates the failure of China’s outdated foreign policy, according to Burmese political analysts.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Beijing has aggressively pursued a path of rapid economic development as the surest way to avoid a similar fate. Although it has dramatically expanded its trade ties with the rest of the world, the principle of non-interference in other countries’ political affairs remains the cornerstone of its foreign policy.

However, as the situation in Burma attests, this principle may no longer be sufficient to protect China’s national interests.

Beijing certainly enjoys the economic benefits of being the Burmese junta’s best friend. Since 1989, China has been the regime’s most important supplier of military aid, providing jet fighters, armored vehicles and naval vessels, as well as extensive training to Burmese military personnel. In exchange, it has been given access to Burma’s abundant natural resources.

A joint statement on “Future Cooperation in Bilateral Relations between the People’s Republic of China and the Federation of Myanmar,” issued in June 2000, indicated the future direction of Sino-Burmese relations, which were to be based on the “Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence” and the consolidation of mutual relations for wider regional stability and development.

Despite Beijing’s willingness to be more direct in persuading Burma to enhance its economic reforms and to push for political reconciliation at home, China still regards Burma’s poor human rights record as an “internal affair.”

At the same time, the United States has continued to denounce the Burmese generals’ human rights records and refusal to honor the 1990 election results. Washington’s harsh criticism, especially during the Bush administration, gave the Burmese generals no other choice but to turn to the Chinese government for support. In 2003, when the US imposed tougher sanctions against the regime under the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, Beijing was highly critical of the move.

China’s foreign policy is completely divorced from the harsh realties of life under military rule in Burma. Without taking this suffering into consideration, Beijing has used its veto at the United Nations Security Council to block resolutions designed to push Burma toward genuine political reform. This has allowed the junta to simply move forward with its efforts to orchestrate a political transition from an absolute dictatorship to a faux democracy within the framework of a militarized constitution.

China has continued to back the Burmese regime as part of its policy of extending its influence within the region. However, Burma’s long history of ethnic conflict and political dissent presents serious challenges to Chinese policy, which may not be viable in the long run.

Another problem facing Beijing is that the Burmese regime is deeply distrustful of China. In the 1970s and early 1980s, Burma’s armed forces fought hard against the Burmese Communist Party, which was backed by China’s ruling Communist Party. This experience has left a bitter taste in the mouths of many Burmese generals and continues to affect the thinking of the current military leadership.

China’s current dual-track policy of supporting both the junta and the ethnic groups living along the Sino-Burmese border has helped to keep these memories alive. It has also raised the specter of renewed conflict with China. In a 2006 quarterly report, Burma’s ruling military council said that it needed to brace for an invasion from the northeast—obviously referring to China.

According to a reliable source, officials from China’s Yunnan Province have recognized the significance of developments inside Burma and are seeking to minimize the negative impact of Beijing’s policy. However, China can’t change its foreign policy within a few years; it will take decade, said a high-ranking diplomat from Beijing.

However, other China watchers have argued that Beijing is less interested in dealing with the Burmese junta since it purged Gen Khin Nyunt, the former intelligence chief, in 2004. Chinese leaders know that the current rulers in Naypyidaw have little interest in engaging with the outside world, but believe that the generals would not dare to turn their guns against China.

China may also feel that it is paying too high a price for backing Burma politically. Some analysts suggest that Beijing could move away from its long-held position on Burma in international forums to protect its broader geopolitical interests. China realizes that defending Burma may have triggered a more aggressive US policy in the Asia-Pacific region. Beijing is carefully observing the current US administration’s reengagement in the region to decide whether Burma should be a center of China’s foreign policy.

China is aware that regional countries have supported a new Burma policy by the US government in terms of their constructive engagement and economic interests. China could be isolated by its Burma policy, proving its policy is still inferior to that of the US.

In the post-Cold War era, China should have more pro-active and tangible fairness to the citizens of the region, rather than putting its emphasis on ruthless authoritarian rulers. Beijing’s ignorance may have impacted the understanding of the Burmese generals. All the socialist states in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) are willing to yield to the US political engagement while they enjoy China’s limited favor in economic prosperity.

In recent years, Burma has moved to develop strategic and commercial relations with India, with which it shares a long land border and the Bay of Bengal. Increasing trade and military cooperation with India and developing bilateral relations with Japan within Asean shows a shift in Burma’s foreign policy to avoid excessive dependence on China.

Chinese analysts closely observed the Kokang incident in August and questioned whether the Sino-Burmese relationship was really impacted. In line with the 2008 constitution, the regime was attempting to ensure the stability of border areas by neutralizing armed forces that are independently standing outside the framework of the constitution.

“They (the Burmese military) don’t always heed China’s advice. China has so little leverage against them because China, in some sense, depends on them,” said Shi Yinhong, a professor of international relations at Renmin University in Beijing.

Chinese officials were not only extremely upset over the lack of forewarning about the border clash but were also worried about the future political consequences.

China-Burma relations may be at a crossroads. Only demanding ethnic rights and showing concern about the situation at the border cannot reflect China’s foreign policy in terms of its status in the international arena. China should bring the role of Aung San Suu Kyi and a settlement of the general political crisis to the forefront of its Burma policy in order to show China’s role in finding a solution along with the US and the international community.

Nyo Ohn Myint is a chairperson and Moe Zaw Oo is secretary of the National League for Democracy (Liberated Area) Foreign Affairs Committee.

Burma Newscasts - China’s Failed Foreign Policy
Thursday, September 10, 2009

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Inevitable US policy shift on Burma: why and how

by Min Zaw Oo

Mizzima News - The recent visit of US Senator Jim Webb has stirred up speculation and criticism of what the visit could mean for Washington’s Burma policy, especially from traditional supporters of the opposition movement residing in the West. A common, critical sound bite belittles Webb’s visit as a personal trip. But all detractors and critics largely ignore the fundamental facts related to the visit and the inevitability of a US policy shift on Burma.

There are three major underlying reasons encompassing the US’s new policy towards Burma.

Strategic Paradigm Shift

Under President Obama the most fundamental deviation from the Bush administration’s foreign policy is the recognition of the limit of US power in the world. The Bush administration’s neo-conservative worldview called for the use of US power to bring about freedom and democracy. In contrast, Obama and his strategic advisors acknowledge that the extension of US power has reached a critical threshold.

The US has become a declining power in the face of a rising China, Russia and India. Although the US is still the most powerful nation militarily, the US economy is largely interdependent with the Asian economy. China holds the largest percentage of US debt. The combination of Japanese and Chinese ownership of US debt has reached 45 percent of US Treasury securities.

In addition, the military gap is narrowing. A recent study conducted by the RAND Corporation, an influential US think-tank, concludes the Chinese military could defeat US forces in the Taiwan Strait if the US attempted to deter a Chinese offensive to reclaim Taiwan. Meanwhile, Russia has fielded its latest S-400 air-defense system which it claims to be superior to the US’s second-generation Patriot missile system.

During this onset of US power decline the strategic goal of the Obama administration has become the restoration of US dominance in the world. But Obama realizes that the most effective approach to this end will be the utilization of ‘soft power,’ which calls for friendliness rather than coercion.

Under a new strategic paradigm, Obama will deliberately drop democracy promotion from the US’s major foreign policy agenda. He carefully avoided the word ‘democracy’ in his inaugural speech. In contrast, he explicitly proclaimed the US will reach out to non-democracies rather than preaching to them the merits of political transformation in the interests of the US.

This new strategic perspective will shape the US’s policy shift on Burma as well.

The Role of ASEAN

Another strategy shift from the Bush administration has been the US’s perspective on ASEAN. The former administration considered it a non-priority strategic region except in the case of the War on Terror.

The Bush administration refused to ratify the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), requiring all signatories to refrain from using military force against other member states. Additionally, the issue of Burma used to be an obstacle between the US and ASEAN. The Bush administration promoted more bilateral relations with non-NATO allies such as Thailand and the Philippines, rather than multilateral cooperation with the region as a whole.

While the US kept its distance from ASEAN, China launched an efficacious charm offensive in the region. After ASEAN was hit by the financial crisis in 1997, Chinese economic assistance to countries in the region surpassed US aid, even to traditional US allies Thailand and the Philippines.

China’s ratification of the TAC pacified the fear of ASEAN countries concerning the rise of the dragon. ASEAN, as a consequence, has grown increasingly comfortable with China over the last ten years. China’s total trade with ASEAN has grown by 1,034 percent since 1995, whereas the same figure for the US stands at a mere 75 percent.

The new administration in Washington feels China’s heat in the region. Bilateral relations cannot simply preserve waning US influence in Southeast Asia, in the view of the new administration, with non-NATO allies; the US has to embrace ASEAN as a whole. As a result, Washington acceded to the TAC on July 22nd, 2009.

If the US aims to move closer to ASEAN, Burma cannot be allowed to be a stumbling block between Washington and rising Asian power blocs.

China Factor

The third reason is the strategic role of China in the region. The Burma-China relationship will enter a new chapter after China completes an oil pipeline connecting the Andaman Sea with China’s Yunnan province. The move is alarmingly strategic.

Past Chinese interest in Burma was less critical than many observers have speculated, with trade accounting for a fraction of one percent of overall Chinese exports, while China has failed to transfer any strategic weaponry to Naypyitaw.

However, the 2.9-billion dollar Chinese oil pipeline will drastically transform the role of Burma in China’s strategic calculus. China has been geographically vulnerable to a naval blockade, being confined by Japan to the east, Taiwan to the south and South Korea to the north of China – all US allies. In addition, China lacks a naval force capable of protecting its sea lines.

Chinese security analysts from the Energy Research Institute (ERI) and China Institute of International Studies (CIIS) have long been advocating the construction of overland transnational oil pipelines to China to overcome its energy insecurity in the face of a possible military confrontation with the US.

The projected oil pipeline from Burma will reinforce China’s long-term strategic energy initiative. The pipeline will be much more significant than any existing China-Burma engagements. China may even consider protecting its interest in Burma under a nuclear umbrella.

The pipeline in Burma will be a plausible reason for China to send its advanced submarines, China’s major naval assets, to the Andaman Sea to protect its strategic interest, simultaneously restricting the regional power projection of the US Navy’s 7th fleet.

Although the US is militarily capable of attacking China’s land-based pipelines and pumping stations in Burma, any military action involving a third-country in an event of direct confrontation between the US and China will be politically complicated – especially since the US’s recent accession to the TAC effectively limits Washington’s potential counter measures.

Burma used to be a moral issue for the United States. At this time, however, Washington’s renewed interest in Burma is derived from US security and national interests.

United States’ Policy Review on Burma

In recent weeks the CIA, Pentagon and Department of Energy have been ordered to intensify research on Burma with an aim of compiling a comprehensive report for policy review.

To this extent, Jim Webb is not a lone wolf. Senior senators such as John Kerry and Richard Lugar, a key figure in the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, acknowledge the shortcomings of the current US policy on Burma. Lugar previously broke ranks with his Republican Party on Cuba, calling for normalization of diplomatic relations between the two countries.

As the moral dimension of the Burma policy still looms large in Washington, advocates of new initiatives prefer behind-the-scenes approaches. Although the official position of the State Department is still intact, analysts within the policy circle are busy calculating the pros and cons of the US’s policy on Burma.

The moral dimension of the current policy is set to fade, albeit not entirely dissipated. If US national interest becomes the backbone of its new policy on Burma, Washington’s policy shift concerning Naypyitaw will be unstoppable.

How will the US engage Burma?

Regardless of policy perspectives, the US’s engagement with Burma’s military government will be quite different from the way ASEAN does business.

Democratization and human rights will still be a part of US policy goals in Burma. But the US will drop some major preconditions for engagement, such as the release of Aung Sun Suu Kyi and all political prisoners.

In the near future the two countries will likely experience quid pro quo engagement, ranging from counter-narcotics to political prisoners. Among all initiatives, however, the focus of US policy will be on the 2010 elections.

This is a major shift from the Bush administration, which adamantly demanded that transition in Burma must come through a negotiated settlement between the government and the NLD. While the US’s new policy will hail any conciliatory settlement between the opposition and the government, Washington will no longer hold its breath on a dialogue-driven transition in Burma. The US, in the wake of successful elections, will very likely embrace a military-led transition in the country if the new government manages to free Aung San Suu Kyi and remaining political prisoners after 2010.

The most crucial aspect of the US’s policy on Burma will probably be the legitimacy of the 2010 election. Washington does not want to altogether abandon its moral code, and thus will need a plausible reason to facilitate its policy shift on Burma. The legitimacy of the 2010 election will be the best ticket for the US to move closer to Burma in the near future.

The international community, including the US, has asked the Tatmadaw government to hold an inclusive election. Inclusiveness calls for the political participation of opposition parties, especially the NLD. To legitimize the election the Tatmadaw government has to allow the NLD and other opposition parties to contest. On the other hand, the NLD’s voluntary boycott, per se, will not de-legitimize the election as long as the government formally allows it to participate. Historically, opposition boycotts to elections sponsored by ruling regimes, such as in Bangladesh in 1991 and in Ethiopia in 1995, have proved fruitless.

As long as the elected representatives reflect the actual vote, the 2010 election will be internationally perceived as legitimate.

The election will strategically alter Burma’s political landscape for decades to come. Concurrently, Burma’s relationship with the US will depend on the legitimacy of the election and civilian representation in the post-2010 government reflective of electoral results. If, then, the new government is capable of addressing international concerns on human rights issues, Burma’s relationship with the West will gradually strengthen.

(Min Zaw Oo is a PhD candidate writing a dissertation on the study of 115 transitions to democracy at George Mason University. He holds a MA in security studies from Georgetown University and MS in conflict analysis and resolution from George Mason University.)

Burma Newscasts - Inevitable US policy shift on Burma: why and how
7 September 2009

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Suu Kyi Insists Her Trial Will Test Rule of Law in Burma

By SAW YAN NAING
The Irrawaddy News

Aung San Suu Kyi insisted after Tuesday’s final session of her trial before Friday’s scheduled verdict that the proceedings would show “whether or not the rule of law exists in the country,” according to her lawyer Nyan Win.

Suu Kyi made the comment to Nyan Win after the court announced a verdict would be announced on Friday. Suu Kyi is charged with breaking the terms of her house arrest order by giving refuge to an American trespasser, John Yettaw, and faces a maximum sentence of five years imprisonment if convicted.

Nyan Win, who is also a spokesman of Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, told The Irrawaddy that his legal team had tried its best in accordance with the law.

Suu Kyi was innocent, Nyan Win insisted. “She [Suu Kyi] did not break the law. According to the law, it will be unlawful if the court even sentences her.”

During Tuesday’s two-hour morning session, a defense plea for more witnesses to be heard was rejected by the court, Nyan Win said.

Win Tin, an NLD executive leader who joined Suu Kyi supporters outside Insein Prison on Tuesday, said her two female companions and Yettaw also appeared at Tuesday’s session.

Suu Kyi’s companions Khin Khin Win and Win Ma Ma also face a charge of giving unlawful refuge to Yettaw. They are represented by Hla Myo Myint.

Nyan Win was one of four lawyers representing Suu Kyi at Tuesday’s session. The others were Kyi Wynn, Hla Myo Myint and Khin Htay Kywe, according to Khin Maung Swe, an NLD spokesperson.

Diplomats from Japan, Singapore, Thailand and the US were allowed to attend Tuesday’s session, according to an Associated Press report.

Last weekend, Suu Kyi told Nyan Win that she is unhappy with the continual delays in her trial, which she said gave the prosecution more time to prepare its final arguments. The trial began on May 18 and has been interrupted by several adjournments.

The proceedings against Suu Kyi have drawn wide international condemnation.

Last week, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and several Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) foreign ministers called for the release of Suu Kyi and more than 2,100 other political prisoners during the Asean Ministerial Meeting and Asean Regional Forum at Phuket in southern Thailand.

The Burmese state-owned newspaper, The New Light of Myanmar, carried an editorial last weekend saying that “demanding the release of Suu Kyi means showing reckless disregard for the law.”

The opposition leader has spent nearly 14 of the past 20 years under house arrest. Her latest term of detention began in May 2003, when she and her supporters came under attack by junta-backed thugs while traveling in central Burma.

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Diplomats allowed to attend Suu Kyi’s closing arguments

Scores of supporters gather in front of Insein prison

Friday, 24 July 2009 13:50

Mizzima News

Authorities have beefed up security in front of Rangoon’s notorious Insein prison, as scores of supporters and members of the National League for Democracy have gathered to wait on the closing arguments of Aung San Suu Kyi’s trial.

Eyewitnesses said at least 10 trucks full of uniformed police are stationed near the prison, while on the corner of the street at least 2 prison vans are parked.

Police have blocked the road to Insein prison with barbed wire barricades.

---------------------------------------------

Friday, 24 July 2009 13:17

New Delhi (mizzima)– Burma's military government on Friday allowed foreign diplomats from Britain, Germany, France and Italy to attend the closing arguments in the trial against opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

The trial against the Burmese pro-democracy leader, at a special court inside Rangoon’s Insein prison, has for the most part been a closed-door affair, with authorities only twice previously allowing selected diplomats and journalists to witness proceedings.

“This time they have not invited or even informed us, but they [the government] have granted permission to diplomats who have sought to attend the final hearing,” a journalist in Rangoon told Mizzima on Friday.

An official from the Embassy of the United States has also so far been permitted to attend proceedings against American John William Yettaw, who is standing trial at the court for secretly swimming across a lake and entering, uninvited, into Aung San Suu Kyi’s home.

A source in Rangoon told Mizzima, “As far as I have confirmed, diplomats from Britain, Germany, France and Italy have been allowed to attend the court session.”

On Friday, the court will hear closing arguments from both prosecution and defense lawyers. The defense team told Mizzima on Thursday that they have prepared a 23-page argument to be submitted to the court.

Observers, however, believe the court will fix yet another date to hand down a verdict.

A journalist in Rangoon said Friday’s court session has attracted the interest of several political observers and scores of supporters and members of Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, who have gathered in front of Insein prison.

READ MORE---> Diplomats allowed to attend Suu Kyi’s closing arguments...

Hu 'likely 'persona non grata'

(news.com.au) -STERN Hu, the Australian businessman detained in China on suspicion of spying and stealing state secrets, is likely to be declared persona non grata and thrown out of the country, a US think tank says.

Private sector intelligence group Stratfor says China is now seeking to dampen what has turned into a diplomatic row between China and Australia and attracted worldwide attention.

Much of the worldwide business community has cited China's detention of Mr Hu as a cause for concern.

Mr Hu, an Australian citizen who was in charge of Rio Tinto's iron ore operations, was arrested on July 5 on suspicion of spying and stealing state secrets. (JEG's: if they were secret how could they be stolen?)

The Shanghai-based executive is yet to be charged, 18 days after he was first detained.

Earlier this week, it emerged that China's Vice Foreign Minister He Yafei had told Foreign Minister Stephen Smith on July 17 that Chinese officials were now emphasising only the bribery charges and not espionage charges relating to national security. (JEG's: because the charges are false, that is why they are only "emphasising"...)

Stratfor said that was a significant shift, even though Mr He made sure to say that commercial matters could still fall under the Chinese definition of state secrets. "It is likely that the charges against Hu will be considerably less than if he were tried for espionage, which can result in a death sentence," it said. "The most likely scenario is that Hu will be given persona-non-grata status and shipped back to Australia, unable to return to China."

Stratfor said this was a relatively common punishment for foreigners accused of espionage, as seen in the 2001 cases of Chinese-Americans Wu Jianming and Li Shaomin, who were deported after being convicted of spying for Taiwan.

Stratfor said China would not let this matter go without some form of punishment for Mr Hu and three other Rio employees who were also detained. To do so would cause China to lose face amid criticism from around the world that China's actions were solely self-serving attempts to intimidate a foreign company (*) in order to give domestic companies an edge, Stratfor said.

"However, if the Australians can find a compromise - possibly getting Rio to soften its stance in the iron ore price negotiations, or ensure some investment opportunities in Australia - then it looks like China may be willing to play nice,(*)" it said.

READ MORE---> Hu 'likely 'persona non grata'...

US and Burma Meet in Phuket

By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy News

PHUKET, Thailand— A senior US official told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that US officials from Hillary Clinton’s delegation held a bilateral meeting with Burmese officials on Wednesday evening in Thailand’s resort island of Phuket.

“They met yesterday—a small group from the State Department and a small group from Burma,” said a senior official who spoke on condition of anonymity.

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton (R) shakes hand with Burma's Foreign Minister Nyan Win (C) while Malaysia Foreign Minister Dato' Anifah bin Haji Aman (L) looks on during the signing of Treaty of Amity and Cooperation between the US and the Asian bloc on the Thai island of Phuket. US officials held a rare meeting with a delegation from Burma on the sidelines of the ARF. (Photo: AFP)

He said the US officials at the meeting expressed the importance of Burma hearing the terms of the UN Security Council Resolution 1874 on North Korea.

The resolution included calls on all UN member states to carry out inspections of North Korean ships that may be carrying equipment related to weapons of mass destruction and to increase vigilance over financial dealings with Pyongyang.

The official said that the outcome of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s detention would have a “direct effect” on the next step of engagement regarding their bilateral relationship, adding this meant that if the Burmese authorities released Suu Kyi, the US would be prepared to look at “positive measures.”

Scot Marciel, who is currently deputy assistant secretary East Asia and Pacific Bureau and ambassador for Asean affairs, led the US delegation, which lasted for 90 minutes, according to the official.

Burma’s Foreign Minister Nyan Win reportedly led the Burmese delegation, but the US official said the former army officer had nothing to say except that they would take the messages back to senior leaders in Naypyidaw. The official added that “the Burmese basically listened.” (JEG's: you might as well phone connect directly with the general and deal with him directly that way... "no-harm" done)

Responding to questions on the US policy review for Burma, the official said their policy was “very consistent” in calling for the Burmese authorities to “release Suu Kyi and the other 2,100 political prisoners,” and for the junta to open the country up to a participatory political process with free elections.

The Burmese foreign minister and the Burmese delegation declined to comment on the issue when The Irrawaddy approached them.

“I have no more to say as I am very tired from talking [at the meeting]… so no more comment,” Nyan Win said in Burmese. (JEG's: but he was listening, not talking read above...)

Burmese officials usually avoid speaking to reporters when abroad over sensitive issues for fear of punishment or dismissal by senior leaders.

This is the second meeting between the two countries that has taken place outside Burma. In 2007, Burmese officials and American State Department officials held an unpublicized meeting in Beijing.

The Beijing meeting, which came at the request of the Burmese military junta, was thought to herald a shift in the Bush administration’s US policy. The frank exchange of opinions on both sides was thought to include the continued detention of Suu Kyi, US sanctions and the political situation in Burma.

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Asean takes a step back

EDITORIAL Bangkok Post

The outcome of the Phuket meeting of Asean foreign ministers was disappointing. It must be hoped that when they are joined by other colleagues for bigger gatherings that they can get off ground zero. Allowing the region's harsher regimes to set the terms of a human rights council for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations is likely to come back to haunt the group, and sooner rather than later. To recover from this setback, Thailand will have to press hard at meetings beginning today, or face stronger criticism for its term as Asean chairman.

By far the biggest letdown, verging on outright failure, was the cave-in by Thailand and other countries on the Asean Inter-governmental Commission on Human Rights. It is not fair to call this new body a toothless tiger - not yet, before it even gets a chance to act. But the terms under which the body will operate appear to make actual human rights progress a dream rather than an achievable goal. Come October, it is widely feared, the commission will begin issuing vague statements and wishful press releases, rather than strong rulings backed by action.

Kudos to Indonesia for being the last nation standing when the roll was called for a stronger commission. It was shocking to see Thailand among the first democratic countries to give up attempts to push for the stronger version of the human rights body. When Thailand turned its back on human rights advocates, so did Malaysia, and then the Philippines. Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda considered holding out and actually scuttling the almost meaningless agreement that emerged. Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya, chairman of the meeting, said the result was a compromise, leaving observers wondering how anyone can compromise on such an important moral issue.

Now it is the turn of the Asean Regional Forum, a 27-nation group which meets under Asean, but discusses matters extending far beyond our region. The group includes the foreign ministers and equivalent from the United States, China, Russia, Japan and other important countries. The ARF has been focusing strongly on the threat to peace by North Korea. Pyongyang, which was brought into ARF through Thai diplomacy in 2000, has once again gone into insult mode, and will send only a relatively junior diplomat to represent the foreign minister.

Thailand is again the chairman, and it must not shy from responding to this careful North Korean show of attitude.

ARF was formed specifically to encourage openness in foreign affairs, including trade and military matters, because honesty and information-sharing openly promotes and keeps the peace. North Korea, if it has made any change during the past nine years, has become even more closed and secretive. Its nuclear weapons tests and unannounced missile firings are designed to be hostile and intimidating. Since this flies in the face of the ARF goals, and defies the real successes of the ARF in achieving regional peace, North Korea must be called to account; no compromising this time.

Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya, the chairman of all Asean meetings this week, has already stated that the group cannot move off dead centre until there are changes in Burma. Now is the time to press ahead with that thought, with 25 other mostly sympathetic nations helping. At the southwest and northeast corners of our region, Burma and North Korea are the main blocks to progress, the worst human rights violators. They are major blocks to peace. Asean can recover some dignity by standing up to these two nations at the important meetings in Phuket.

READ MORE---> Asean takes a step back...

Burma acts the bully on Thailand

By Larry Jagan

(DVB)–Relations between Thailand and Burma are set to deteriorate dramatically following Bangkok’s warning that the trial of Aung San Suu Kyi could all but destroy Burma’s already fragile credibility.

Thailand’s current position on Burma is stronger than usual, bolstered by concerns that Burma’s behaviour, by implication, would also impact on the credibility of the regional Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) bloc. The junta of course dismisses these concerns, citing the ASEAN mantra of non-interference in its defense. But this time Burma’s political games are certain to be met with more pressure from its Asian allies and neighbours, especially Thailand.

The vexed issue of Burma is high on the agenda of Thai prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva’s current visit to Beijing. He will certainly discuss the issue with his counterpart, Wen Jiabao, and the Chinese president, Hu Jintao, according to Thai government officials. The junta’s antics are all the more pressing now with detailed information emerging on the regime’s connection to Pyongyang; and now the North Korean ship en route to Rangoon has increased the temperature.

Apart from North Korean missiles and possible nuclear technology, there is much for Bangkok and Beijing to discuss during this trip. A key issue will also be the preparations for the ASEAN Foreign Ministers retreat in Phuket, and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) where the problems in Burma will also overshadow other important issues at time when the region is reeling from the effects of the international financial crisis and credit crunch.

A statement prepared for the meeting by the Indonesians is likely to be endorsed by China. China understands that at present its best strategic position is to strongly support Thailand as the ASEAN chair, as later this year Vietnam takes over and Hanoi will be less inclined to engage the Chinese.

Under the Thai chairmanship, ASEAN has begun to take a more aggressive position on Burma, and issued a strongly worded statement after Aung San Suu Kyi was put on trial last month. “With the eyes of the international community on Myanmar at present, the honour and the credibility of the Government of the Union of Myanmar are at stake,” the statement said.

But the Thais went a step further and specifically raised the issue of the pro-democracy leader’s detention. “The Government of the Union of Myanmar is reminded that the ASEAN Leaders had called for the immediate release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi,” said the statement. This was a reference to the Chairman’s statement at the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ ministerial meeting in Phnom Penh in July 2003, after she was attacked by pro-government thugs and detained in May that year. It was later endorsed by the ASEAN leaders at their summit on the Indonesian island of Bali in October.

The Burmese government, as expected, reacted angrily. “Thailand’s statement is not in conformity with ASEAN practices, incorrect in facts, and interfering with the internal affairs of Myanmar,” was the official response.

But behind the scenes, relations between the countries are in free-fall, according to diplomats based in Bangkok and Rangoon. “There is no doubt that the offensive against the Karen [along the border with Thailand] is in part intended to be a warning to Thailand not to interfere,” the Burmese academic based at Chiang Mai University, Win Min told DVB.

While it may not be in direct response to the Thai statement, it is clearly aimed at sending a cautionary message to the Thai government that any interference in Burmese affairs will bring about a strong Burmese reaction. Gone is the conciliatory approach in discussions between the country’s two foreign ministers in April, when the Thai foreign minister, Kasit Piromya, went to Naypyidaw and was asked to help broker peace talks with the Karen National Union.

Now Thailand is increasingly alarmed at Burma’s plans to acquire nuclear technology, including for military purposes. Recent revelations of the myriad of tunnels being built by North Korean engineers and workers in Naypyidaw and along the Thai border in Shan state, has given the Thai authorities a significant jolt. But even more disturbing is the news that North Korea may be about to provide Burma with medium-range missiles, sophisticated anti-aircraft and radar systems, including surface-to-surface (SCUD) missiles with a 700 kilometer range, that can only be aimed at Thai territory. It is highly likely that the cargo of the North Korean Kang Nam ship includes missiles, according to South Korean intelligence sources.

Thailand of course is still searching for a means to maintain the pressure on Burma, while trying to find ways to lessen the tension between the two countries. Thailand’s position on Aung San Suu Kyi, and the national reconciliation process, will not weaken, even under the Burmese blackmail threats.

In a recent interview, the Thai prime minister made the government’s position clear: “Clearly our stance has been and will always be that the political process in Myanmar will have to be inclusive to gain the acceptability and respectability of the international community. Otherwise, obviously, Myanmar’s credibility and ASEAN’s credibility will be affected.”

When the former Thai foreign minister, Surakiart Sathirathai, tried to support the Burmese regime’s plans for political reform – Khin Nyunt’s roadmap to democracy -- through his creation of the Bangkok process in 2003, he was roundly condemned by the junta’s top leaders.

“We reject Thailand’s ‘mega-phone’ diplomacy”, the deputy leader of Burmese military intelligence, Major General Kyaw Win told me. This was a reference to the Thai foreign minister’s frequent briefing of Thai and foreign journalists on the progress of negotiations and talks – sometimes elaborating his views which were not always directly communicated to his counterpart beforehand.

But of course the regime has no qualms about resorting to a megaphone approach when it suits them. Its latest tirade against the Thai government was an article by Kyaw Ye Min accusing the Thai authorities of aiding and abetting the insurgent movements – especially the Karen – by allowing refugee camps in Thailand.

The junta was irritated by the Thai foreign minister’s suggestion that jailing Aung San Suu Kyi was in effect a threat to the region. “At present relations between the two countries are under [a] strain which is unprecedented in history,” said the writer in the state-mouthpiece New Light of Myanmar newspaper. He suggested the only way for harmonious relations to be reestablished was for Bangkok to “cooperate with us in genuine goodwill”. In other words, stop publicly criticising and pressuring Burma – something the Democrat-led government is unlikely to do.

READ MORE---> Burma acts the bully on Thailand...

Junta seeks regional support: Win Tin

by Mungpi

New Delhi (Mizzima) - Veteran journalist Win Tin said on Monday Burma’s military rulers are going the whole hog to garner diplomatic support from regional countries in the face of growing international condemnation over the trial of Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

Win Tin, who is also a central executive committee member of the Aung San Suu Kyi led National League for Democracy said, the visit of Sri Lankan President Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa and Singapore’s Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong are all part of the junta’s effort to cosy up to regional countries.

“Clearly, the junta is in a tight spot as the international community has reacted more sharply than it had anticipated. And since it might be difficult for the regime to try and influence the West, they at least want the support of regional countries,” Win Tin added.

On Sunday, the junta’s mouthpiece newspaper reported the visit of Sri Lankan President Rajapaksa to Burma. Rajapaksa was received in Naypyitaw by the Burmese Army Chief Snr. Gen Than Shwe -- a rare gesture by the junta supremo.

Similarly, Singapore’s former Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong on a four-day visit to Burma last week had meetings with Than Shwe and other junta brass.

Win Tin said, such visits are indications that the junta is seeking support from regional countries. He said the junta had not anticipated that there would be such a loud outcry from the international community by putting on trial Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

“It [junta] seems to have miscalculated on the strong support for Aung San Suu Kyi by the international community,” Win Tin said.

The junta wants to gauge China’s reaction over the mounting pressure and is likely to go ahead and sentence the Burmese Nobel Peace Laureate, if China gives the green signal, he said.

According to Win Tin, the junta is determined to sentence Aung San Suu Kyi to a prison term and put her away before their proposed 2010 general elections. But it had not anticipated such an outburst from the international community.

Sources said Thura Shwe Mann, the third leader in the Burmese military hierarchy, last week visited China without making any official announcement. On Monday, the Chinese News Agency Xinhua reported that Vice-Senior General Maung Aye, number two in the military hierarchy, is visiting China. (JEG's: Good sign... tight cuddles here..)

Observers believe these visits are aimed at explaining and trying to convince China about the junta’s stand regarding the trial of Aung San Suu Kyi and the regime’s plans ahead.

Win Tin said, “Whatever the circumstances, the junta is likely go ahead with its plan if China approves.”

READ MORE---> Junta seeks regional support: Win Tin...

Chronicle of a Cooked-up Crime

By THE IRRAWADDY
MAY — JUNE, 2009 - VOLUME 17 NO.3

(Illustration: Harn Lay/The Irrawaddy)

As rumors swirled around the arrest and trial of Aung San Suu Kyi and her uninvited American visitor, The Irrawaddy pieced together the known facts of this bizarre case

Aung San Suu Kyi’s lakeside home on Rangoon’s University Avenue is one of the city’s most secure locations, with at least a dozen security men posted outside its high fence at all times.



In late 2008, an American citizen, Vietnam War veteran John William Yettaw, stayed for several weeks in the Thai-Burmese border town of Mae Sot and talked openly there about a visit he claimed to have made in November to Suu Kyi’s home. He reportedly told Mae Sot residents he had swum to her waterfront compound across Rangoon’s Inya Lake. According to National League for Democracy sources, Suu Kyi asked her personal physician to report the incident to the authorities, but they did nothing.


Yettaw returned to Thailand from his home in the US earlier this year after telling his family he was working on a book. on May 2, he entered Burma again.

Immigration officials at Rangoon International Airport, trained to spot suspicious visitors, issued him with a tourist visa.

Yettaw booked into Rangoon’s Beauty Land Hotel.

On May 7, the state-run newspaper The New Light of Myanmar broke the news of Yettaw’s arrest, reporting that he had spent two days and nights at Suu Kyi’s home after swimming there across Inya Lake. The report said that Yettaw set off during the night of Sunday, May 3, and stayed at Suu Kyi’s home until late on May 5. At 5.30 a.m. On May 6, security officials spotted him swimming in the lake near the International Business Center on Pyay Road, more than a mile from Suu Kyi’s home, and arrested him. Yettaw is 53 years old, suffers from asthma and diabetes and lives modestly in the US on an ex-serviceman’s disability pension. He allegedly strapped a pair of home-made flippers to his feet to help him swim to Suu Kyi’s home and back.

In 2003, Burmese authorities argued they were putting Suu Kyi under house arrest for her own safety. The lapse in security that allowed Yettaw to enter her home was not an issue, however, when Suu Kyi was transferred to Rangoon’s Insein Prison on May 14 and charged with violating the conditions of her detention order. Under the terms of the order, unauthorized visitors are banned. Yettaw’s fateful visit was clearly not authorized—and certainly not by Suu Kyi.

READ MORE---> Chronicle of a Cooked-up Crime...

Unidentified group from Burma enters Bangladesh, opens fire

Dhaka (Narinjara): An unidentified armed group from Burma fired several rounds in a remote village in Bangladesh near the Burma border after entering Bangladesh territory, said a villager.

“About 15 armed men fired many gunshots in the air making villagers flee when they entered our village,” he said.

The incident occurred in a remote village located in Nakhongsari Township in Bandarban hill district, near Burma border on May 20.

“Our village is small and located at the upper end of a river in Bangladesh which local people call “Pan Wa creek”. All the villagers fled from the village when they saw the armed men who fired in the air,” the villager said.

All the armed men were wearing green coloured uniforms like those of the Burmese Army but the villagers could not identify whether they were Burmese Army troops or Arakanese guerrillas.

The incident was reported by villagers to the border forces in Nakhongsari. However, there is no information whether Bangladeshi border security forces pushed them back to Burma, a local source said.

A monk from the area said, the armed group collected ransom from bamboo and wood cutters, working in the area, before they left.

Most villagers in the area are apprehensive of their security after the incident, said the monk.

READ MORE---> Unidentified group from Burma enters Bangladesh, opens fire...

Suu Kyi Tells Rangoon Court She’s Innocent

By THE IRRAWADDY

Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi testified for the first time at her trial on Tuesday, denying that she had violated any law by giving shelter to John William Yettaw, who is being tried in the same court.

Reporters and diplomats were again allowed to attend the trial, after witnessing one afternoon session last week. They said that when a judge asked her whether she had breached the terms of her house arrest by allowing Yettaw to stay for two nights at her Rangoon lakeside home, she replied: “I didn’t violate any law.”

A Buddhist monk, center, stands next to riot police officers at a checkpoint on a road to the main entrance of Insein Prison where the trial of detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi is ongoing. (Photo: AP)

Suu Kyi presented to the court a letter she had written, explaining why she felt she had not broken any law, according to her lawyer, Nyan Win, who also is a spokesperson of Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy.

"She claimed in her letter she did not commit any crime because she was detained by security forces tightly,” Nyan Win told The Irrawaddy. “If the security had been proper, the American would not have got here."

Suu Kyi said one of her two women companions alerted her at 5 a.m. On May 3 that Yettaw had entered the property.

"I allowed him to have temporary shelter," Suu Kyi said when asked about charges that she had given Yettaw food and allowed him to stay.

"I did not inform them," she said when asked by the judge whether she had told security authorities about the intrusion. No security personnel had been inside her residence during Yettaw’s stay, she said.

Suu Kyi said Yettaw left at 11:45 p.m. On May 5. "I only knew that he went to the lakeside. I did not know which way he went because it was dark," she said.

Asked about police evidence that books and other items belonging to Yettaw—including a video camera, black Muslim robes, stockings and dark glasses—had been found in her home, Suu Kyi said: “Yettaw himself would know rather than me.”

One newsman said 10 journalists from local journals, 15 reporters from Rangoon- based foreign media and 19 diplomats were allowed to attend Tuesday’s proceedings in the Insein Prison courtroom.

He said they all rose to their feet as a sign of respect when Suu Kyi entered the court room, remaining standing even when a policeman indicated they should sit. They only sat down after Suu Kyi had taken her seat after she finished a discussion with her lawyers.

Suu Kyi and her lawyers left after her testimony, and the court continued in closed session, resuming the case against Yettaw. Reporters and diplomats were barred.

Yettaw is on trial for immigration violations and for breaching municipal sanitation codes by swimming in the lake. He faces a possible sentence of six years imprisonment.

The court accepted on Friday the prosecution’s charge that Suu Kyi’s had violated the terms of her house arrest by allowing Yettaw to stay at her home.

READ MORE---> Suu Kyi Tells Rangoon Court She’s Innocent...

Myanmar's Suu Kyi set to testify as outcry grows

YANGON (AFP) – Myanmar pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi was set to testify at her trial, as European and Asian foreign ministers stepped up international pressure on the ruling junta to free her.

The military regime said it would reopen the court to diplomats and journalists for part of the day in a small concession to global criticism of its treatment of the 63-year-old Nobel Peace Prize laureate.

Critics say Aung San Suu Kyi's trial, on charges of breaching her house arrest over an incident in which a US man swam to her house, is an excuse for Myanmar's ruling generals to lock her up for elections due next year.

The spokesman for her opposition party, Nyan Win, said the defence felt that the mostly closed proceedings at the notorious Insein Prison near the main city of Yangon were being rushed through.

"She will be questioned by the judge (on Tuesday)... This was a surprise to us because we need more time to discuss the case with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi," Nyan Win said on Monday night.

Aung San Suu Kyi pleaded innocent last week to the charges, under which she faces between three and five years in jail. She has been detained for 13 of the last 19 years, mostly under house arrest.

The defence is also planning to call Tin Oo, the detained deputy leader of her opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party, as one of its witnesses.

Asked whether he thought the ruling junta would allow testimony by Tin Oo, who has been in jail or under house arrest since 2003, Nyan Win told AFP: "They have to, otherwise it will be one-sided."

Diplomats from all foreign embassies in Yangon had been told to report to the court early on Tuesday for a briefing by a magistrate, and they would be allowed to attend the trial later in the day, a western diplomat said.

Authorities will also allow 10 journalists from local media and 11 from international organisations to report on part of the proceedings.

The trial has provoked a storm of international outrage.

More than 40 foreign ministers from Asia and Europe meeting in the Vietnamese capital Hanoi this week are to jointly call for the release Aung San Suu Kyi, according to a draft statement.

"In light of the concern about the recent development to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, ministers... called for the early release of those under detention and the lifting of restriction placed on political parties," said the draft statement.

During a meeting Monday with Myanmar Foreign Minister Nyan Win on the sidelines of the talks, the EU called for Aung San Suu Kyi's immediate release.

In a rare move, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) last week expressed "grave concern" over her treatment. Myanmar's neighbours normally prefer not to be seen as intervening in the affairs of their members.

Myanmar issued an angry rebuttal to the statement on Monday.

The junta is also trying the American intruder, John Yettaw, and two female aides who live with Aung San Suu Kyi in the house.

Yettaw has said that he swam across a lake to the house to warn her of his belief that she would be assassinated, but the junta accuses Aung San Suu Kyi of illegally communicating with and sheltering him.

The latest, six-year period of Aung San Suu Kyi's house arrest is due to expire on Wednesday but Myanmar authorities have not said whether they will extend the term.

Aung San Suu Kyi and her deputy Tin Oo have both been detained since an incident in 2003 in which their motorcade came under attack during a political tour.

Wednesday is also the 19th anniversary of Myanmar's last democratic elections. The NLD won a landslide victory in the polls, but the military never allowed it to take office.

READ MORE---> Myanmar's Suu Kyi set to testify as outcry grows...

Opposition Leader Suu Kyi's Trial Dashes Hopes for Improved U.S.-Burma Relations

BANGKOK (Foxnews-AP)— A widely expected guilty verdict in the trial of Burma pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi is likely to halt tentative Western moves to improve relations with the country's junta and make it harder to raise funds for humanitarian relief efforts, analysts said Sunday.

Suu Kyi, who has been in detention without trial for more than 13 of the past 19 years, is being tried on charges of violating the terms of her house arrest after an uninvited American, John W. Yettaw, swam across a lake to her home earlier this month and stayed for two days. The offense is punishable by up to five years' imprisonment.

Suu Kyi pleaded not guilty Friday, but expectations are high that she will be found guilty after the court accepted the charges and moved to proceed with the trial. Burma's courts operate under the influence of the ruling military, and almost always deal harshly with political dissidents.

The charges against her are widely seen as a pretext for the government to keep her detained during polls it has scheduled for next year as the culmination of its "roadmap to democracy," which has been criticized as a fig leaf for continued military rule.

The trial comes weeks after the European Union announced it was stepping up humanitarian aid to the impoverished country, also known as Burma, and the United States said it was reviewing its policy — including speculation that it might soften sanctions the regime says have crippled its economy.

But now the European Union is talking of introducing tougher sanctions in response to the trial and the administration of President Obama has announced it will continue its economic penalties. Obama extended a state of emergency against the country after Suu Kyi's arrest. Sanctions would have expired had the emergency order not been extended.

Sean Turnell, a Burma expert at Australia's Macquarie University, said the timing of the trial shows the junta "never misses an opportunity to miss an opportunity."

"I think there was, prior to these latest events, a strong likelihood that the U.S. and Europe positions on Burma may have softened, and that some sanctions may even have been on the table" for review, Turnell said in an e-mail interview. "The regime have now shot themselves in the foot so to speak — and anything like this would seem to be decidedly off the table now."

David Steinberg, a Burma specialist at Georgetown University in Washington, said there had been talk of "small steps toward easing relations" within the Obama administration. But he said a guilty verdict makes increased engagement with the ruling generals unlikely for now.

"I think they wanted to make some overtures, but this will make it far more difficult," Steinberg said of the Obama administration. "The junta needed to respond significantly as well at each step, and this would set it back."

Donors may also be less willing to fund a three-year, $700 million rebuilding plan for the Irrawaddy delta, which was devastated by a cyclone last year that killed more than 138,000 people.

Foreign governments and charities already were slow to fund initial relief efforts over concerns about the junta's human rights record.

"Any effort to limit the humanitarian funding needed to help Burma's poorest people as a response to Suu Kyi's trial would be shameful and would lead directly to the deaths of thousands of innocent people," warned Thant Myint-U, a Burmese historian and former U.N. official. "Neither economic embargoes, aid cut offs, long distance condemnation or attempts at occasional diplomacy have worked."

No one expects a guilty verdict to spark an uprising in Burma against the junta after its bloody suppression of pro-democracy demonstrations in 2007, which killed at least 31 people. Hundreds more activists were sentenced to lengthy prison sentences.

"Everyone is angry but people are concerned with earning their daily bread," said Win Tin, an 80-year-old leader of Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party who was released from prison last year after serving a 19-year sentence. "They are afraid and there is no leadership."

Security has been tight around the prison for the trial that resumes Monday and is expected to last another two weeks. Authorities have allowed about 100 Suu Kyi supporters, including Win Tin, to gather each day outside the prison, but most citizens in the commercial capital Yangon are reluctant to take it much further.

"We have seen what happened in 2007 when even monks are beaten and shot at by soldiers," said Wunna, a 32-year-old computer repairmen who took part in the protests. "I don't want to be killed nor imprisoned for simply expressing my feelings."

READ MORE---> Opposition Leader Suu Kyi's Trial Dashes Hopes for Improved U.S.-Burma Relations...

Court access for diplomats merely ‘a gesture’

(DVB)–Burma opposition party, the National League for Democracy, have said that allowing diplomats to observe Aung San Suu Kyi’s trial was merely a “gesture” and still falls short of making it an open trial.

In a statement released yesterday, the NLD, whose leader Suu Kyi is facing charges of breaching conditions of her house arrest, denounced the trial and said that proceedings were not consistent with the regulations of the court.

NLD Central Executive Committee Member Win Tin added that allowing journalists and diplomats into the courtroom did not make it a free and fair trial.

“This is merely a thing the government do similar to when they invite foreign diplomats to events where they destroy confiscated drugs in a gesture to convince them they are doing things properly.”

Similarly, the secretary of the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament said that it was a superficial move aimed only at convincing people that the trial is fair.

“In reality, the court should let the NLD and the family members of [Suu Kyi], and reporters from the media inside and outside of the country to enter it and study its procedures, in order to make it an open trial,” said Aye Thar Aung.

One of the diplomats allowed inside the courtroom yesterday, Britain’s Mark Canning, told the BBC that the move was welcomed but did little to alter the reality of the situation.

"All the paraphernalia of the courtroom was there, the judges, the prosecution, the defense,” he said.

“But I think this is a story where the conclusion is already scripted."

Reporting by Aye Nai

READ MORE---> Court access for diplomats merely ‘a gesture’...

Burma bars access to Suu Kyi trial again

(AFP)–Burma's military regime put the trial of opposition icon Aung San Suu Kyi back behind closed doors today, after allowing diplomats and journalists to attend the hearing for just one day.

The junta had opened up the proceedings at the notorious Insein Prison near Yangon on Wednesday, in an apparent concession to fierce international criticism of the charges against the Nobel Peace Prize winner.

"The press will not be allowed today (Thursday). Only for one day were diplomats and press allowed," a Myanmar official told AFP on condition of anonymity.

Diplomats said on Wednesday that they had been informed they would only be allowed in for one day, but the situation for the media was unclear until the official confirmation on Thursday.

A smiling, healthy-looking Aung San Suu Kyi, 63, had thanked diplomats for coming to the trial on Wednesday and said she hoped to meet them again in "better days."

Authorities allowed one diplomat from each of the 30 foreign embassies in Yangon to attend, while Aung San Suu Kyi met envoys from Thailand, Singapore and Russia.

Five journalists working for foreign news organisations and five from local groups were also allowed into the trial, which had previously only been reported on by the tightly controlled state media.

Aung San Suu Kyi faces up to five years in jail if convicted of charges of breaching her house arrest stemming from an incident earlier this month in which an American man, John Yettaw, swam to her lakeside house.

Myanmar's ruling generals have kept her in jail or under house arrest for 13 of the past 19 years.

READ MORE---> Burma bars access to Suu Kyi trial again...

The brief charade of an open trial

By Francis Wade

(DVB)–Yesterday, as diplomats and journalists caught a rare glimpse into the notoriously secretive Burmese judicial system, there was the briefest glimmer of hope that international pressure had finally worked its way to the heart of Burma’s ruling junta.

With growing numbers of world leaders, including the normally reluctant Association of Southeast Asian Nations bloc, adding their voices to calls for an open and fair trial for opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, it seemed the generals’ stubbornness had momentarily wavered.

In a surprise announcement yesterday, 10 journalists from both domestic and international agencies were allowed to enter Insein prison, accompanied by 30 foreign ambassadors. To add a further lick of paint, three ambassadors were then allowed to meet with Suu Kyi in person following the close of hearings.

Few outsiders are permitted to enter such bastions of Burmese military autocracy as Insein prison, let alone witness the trial of such a high-profile political prisoner in Burma. Newspapers across the world tentatively heralded what they saw as the results of mounting pressure on the regime, which had thus far brushed off repeated accusations of a “bogus” trial and a “mockery” of judicial law and kept the door firmly shut.

Yet one of the diplomats allowed inside the courtroom, Britain’s Mark Canning, took no time in quashing expectations.

"The access we had today was welcome, but doesn't change the fundamental reality," he told the BBC yesterday.

"All the paraphernalia of the courtroom was there, the judges, the prosecution, the defense. But I think this is a story where the conclusion is already scripted."

And the feedback received from yesterday’s observers would confirm this. Most of the 30 diplomats who observed the hour-long hearing were left twiddling their thumbs, with no-one present to translate what was being said. Only the US consuls were given language aid, while the Chinese, Japanese and North Korean officials had a basic grasp of the Burmese language. That left 25 forced to accept that they had fallen for the generals’ tricks. While their appearance no doubt gave the slightest of cosmetic lifts to the trial, the substance of their presence could only benefit those behind the controls.

According to reporters, Yettaw looked nervous as he sat alone in the courtroom. Suu Kyi on the other hand remained composed, the superficiality and futility of the situation all too familiar. At the close of hearings she thanked the observers for attending, and hoped that they would meet “in better days”.

Then came the next act in the generals’ diplomatic performance. Suu Kyi was ushered out at the close of court and into the company of three of the diplomats. That those chosen were from Russia, Thailand and Singapore, three of the handful of countries that remain close to the regime, signals the extent that Burma will go to answer to its critics.

A Thai foreign ministry official said on Tuesday that it “will not use strong measures or economic sanctions against [Burma] because it is not an appropriate resolution for the current problem”, despite expressing “grave concern” for Suu Kyi’s situation. In other words it will go no further than rhetorical condemnation: water off a duck’s back for the junta.

Singapore have been slightly more venomous in their condemnation of the trial, expressing “dismay” and warning of a setback to Burma’s national reconciliation, but as a key member of ASEAN, and therefore subject to its policy of non-interference epitomized by Thailand’s stance, it is unlikely to go further.

What must have been the ultimate kick in the teeth for Suu Kyi was the presence of Russia, one of Burma’s key allies and leading supplier of military equipment to those holding her in detention. The technology used by the government to monitor and charge members of Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party is provided largely by Russia. Indeed, many government intelligence officials are graduates in Defense Electronic Technology at the Moscow Aviation Institute.

Little is known of the talks, and nothing seems to have been achieved. After this rare fling with the outside world, Suu Kyi, her two caretakers, and the US citizen John Yettaw are back behind closed doors, the gates to Insein once again barred.

One can safely assume that the conclusion of the trial is foregone: indeed the bulk of the script for this episode was written long before Yettaw arrived on the scene, decades ago when Suu Kyi channeled Burma’s discontent with military rule right to the voting booths. The junta will have found a way to keep her behind bars - the threat of not doing so too great for the paranoid generals - but Yettaw provided a perfectly tangible excuse, whether legitimate or not, to bring her to court.

A renowned former political prisoner at Insein and pivotal member of the NLD, Win Tin, summarised the charade that this trial has already, all too predictably, turned out to be.

“This [the diplomats allowed into the courtroom] doesn’t mean the trial has been transformed to be free and fair,” he said.

“This is merely a thing the government does similar to when they invite foreign diplomats to events where they destroy confiscated drugs.

“It’s a gesture to convince them they are doing things properly.”

READ MORE---> The brief charade of an open trial...

British Ambassador Says Suu Kyi Clearly Still a “Major Figure”

The Irrawaddy News

Britain’s Ambassador to Burma, Mark Canning, said on Thursday it’s clear from the reaction of officials at the trial of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi that she remains a “major figure” in her country.

“It was interesting to see security officials craning to get a look at someone who is clearly still a major figure,” Canning told The Irrawaddy when asked to describe the courtroom scene.

Canning was one of 30 international diplomats allowed to attend Wednesday’s session of the trial.

The Irrawaddy asked him to describe his impressions:

Mark Canning

Answer: It's taking place within the compound of Insein jail and we were allowed in to watch proceedings for about one hour. We were able to see, at quite close quarters, the four defendants—Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, her two companions from University Avenue and the US citizen, Mr Yettaw. Daw Suu, given all she has been through, looked in reasonable health and spirits. She was poised, upright, alert and dignified, and was clearly in command of her legal team. It was interesting to see security officials craning to get a look at someone who is clearly still a major figure. The proceeding consisted of a presentation of physical evidence to support the government case of a break-in to Aung San Suu Kyi’s compound, and afterwards three diplomatic colleagues were allowed to meet with Daw Suu at her accommodation close by.

Question: Will it be a fair trial?

A: It looks pretty much like a courthouse anywhere else—judges, defense, prosecution— all the physical trappings. But the outcome in these sorts of trials—and don't forget we've seen over 1,000 political prisons locked away over the past 16 months—tends to be pretty predictable, sadly.

Q: Why were diplomats granted this access?

A: It looks as though the government, with the deadline for the expiry of Aung San Suu Kyi’s term of house arrest approaching, seized on what looked like a God-given opportunity to shut her away until well after the elections. We've seen in recent days a surge of international criticism and in particular some strong statements from Asean— which expressed grave concern and made clear that the honor and credibility of Myanmar was on the line—as well as from a range of neighbors. The decision to allow access to the court, and for some to Daw Suu, appears intended to soften the criticism.

Q: Will that work?

A: We'll see. It's obviously welcome we were allowed access, but I don't imagine many people will confuse a one hour trip to Insein with progress on the fundamental issue, which is the illegality of her detention. Whatever the truth of the alleged break-in, the fact is that she shouldn't have been under house arrest in the first place. She, and the 2,000 other prisoners of conscience held around the country, should be released, and until that reality is addressed the situation will continue to attract international criticism. There looks to be an increasing sense within the region that the progress being made in so many ways, including in efforts to embed common standards of human rights, should not continue to be tarnished by what is happening here. I've seen two editorials carried in major regional papers to that effect just today.

Q: With the arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi, how do you see the road map and repeated calls for inclusiveness in the political process and coming election? Was the arrest an indicator that Su Kyi and the National League for Democracy are no longer allowed in the road map process? What is the British government’s stance on the coming election?

A: The events of the past week have served to demonstrate once again and very clearly the nature of 2010. Clearly the elections will carry no credibility unless we see the release of political prisoners, the start of a meaningful dialogue between government and opposition and ethnic nationalities (to which, if allowed the chance, Daw Suu has again committed herself) and cooperation with the UN.

READ MORE---> British Ambassador Says Suu Kyi Clearly Still a “Major Figure”...

Thirty Diplomats, Ten Reporters Attend Suu Kyi Trial

By SAW YAN NAING
The Irrawaddy News

Thirty diplomats and 10 journalists were allowed to attend the third day of Aung San Suu Kyi’s trial in Rangoon’s Insein Prison on Wednesday.

Suu Kyi thanked them for coming and for their support, the journalists reported.

Three of the diplomats were allowed to meet Suu Kyi briefly at the conclusion of Wednesday’s proceedings. The three were the Ambassador of Singapore, who is doyen of the diplomatic corps in Burma, and senior Russian and Thai diplomats.

A British diplomat, requesting anonymity, told The Irrawaddy that the Russian ambassador had been invited because his country is currently president of the UN Security Council, while Thailand has the chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean).

Britain’s ambassador, Mark Canning, said the court displayed all the customary legal “paraphernalia,” but he doubted whether Suu Kyi would receive a fair trial. “I think this is a story where the conclusion is already scripted,” he told the BBC.

Canning, who did not meet Suu Kyi, said: “She was composed, upright, crackling with energy…very much in charge of her defense team.”

One journalist said Suu Kyi had appeared “as calm as ever.”

One prosecution witness, a police official, gave evidence on Wednesday. Two women were asked by the prosecution to display some religious robes allegedly left at Suu Kyi’s house by the American, John William Yettaw, who is accused of illegally staying in her home.

Five Burmese journalists working for foreign news agencies, including AFP and Reuters, and five who work for local journals and magazines—Myanmar Times, Snap Shot, The Yangon Times, Popular Journal and Weekly Eleven—were permitted to attend the trail.

The five local journalists, chosen by the Burmese authorities, work for publications that have a close working relationship with the Information Ministry.

READ MORE---> Thirty Diplomats, Ten Reporters Attend Suu Kyi Trial...

Rare Access Granted at Trial

They have bamboo rods—they’re standing along
the roads and streets surrounding the prison every day."
-- Witness

After an international outcry, Burma's ruling generals let diplomats and a handful of reporters into a high-profile trial.

BANGKOK (RFA)—Reporters and diplomats were granted rare access Wednesday to observe trial proceedings against opposition leader Aung San Suu Ky, in a bizarre case that rights groups and foreign governments view as aimed at keeping her detained during next year’s elections.

“Yes, we saw Aung San Suu Kyi, and she appeared very strong,” Joselito Chad Jacinto, charge d'affaires at the Philippine Embassy, said after the court hearing at Insein Central Prison. Aung San Suu Kyi, 63 and a Nobel peace laureate, has reportedly been ill recently.

"She sat listening intently and alertly to what was going on," he said, according to the Associated Press. "She exuded a type of aura which can be described as moving, quite awe-inspiring."

But diplomats and her supporters still maintain that the trial, which was opened to some 30 diplomats and 10 journalists, is staged.

“All the paraphernalia of the courtroom was there, the judges the prosecution, the defense. But I think this is a story where the conclusion is already scripted I'm afraid," British Ambassador Mark Canning told the British Broadcasting Corp. "No, I don't have any confidence in the outcome."

No access to media

Aung San Suu Kyi has been in detention without trial for more than 13 of the last 19 years. She is charged with violating the terms of her house arrest after a U.S. man whose motives remain unclear swam to her home and stayed there without permission for two days. She faces five years in prison.

A spokesman for Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD party, Nyan Win, said the party “welcomes the junta's move allowing foreign diplomats to the hearing. However, other citizens interested in the case should be allow to the trial.”

He also said that since she was moved to Insein Prison, she hasn’t been permitted access to radio broadcasts or newspapers.

Witnesses said that thugs hired by the junta were serving as security for the trial for 3,000 kyat and a boxed lunch every day.

“They have bamboo rods—they’re standing along the roads and streets surrounding the prison every day,” one witness said.

Aung San Suu Kyi is on trial with two female supporters who live with her, and John Yettaw, 53, who her lawyers say swam to her lakeside home under the cover of darkness earlier this month and sneaked in uninvited.

Trial seen as ploy

"She asked why I had come. I showed her the warrant and a picture of John Yettaw," the police investigator, Captain Tin Zaw Tun, told the court of his search of Aung San Suu Kyi's lakeside home.

Another police officer testified that Aung San Suu Kyi told him that she had provided Yettaw with rehydration salts and several meals.

She was to have been freed on May 27 after six years under house arrest. This trial is widely regarded as a pretext to keep her in detention during polls scheduled for next year.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), in an unusually strong statement, expressed "grave concern" Tuesday about the trial and called again for her immediate release and adequate medical care.

U.S. State Department spokesman Ian Kelly said the charges against Aung San Suu Kyi were "unjustified" and called for her unconditional release and that of more than 2,100 other political prisoners.

In a statement, Singapore said its ambassador in Burma, Robert Chua, had met with Aung San Suu Kyi, who “informed the diplomatic representatives that she and her two housekeepers are well and being well treated by the Myanmar [Burmese] authorities.”

She “also informed the three diplomatic representatives that there could be many opportunities for national reconciliation if all parties so wished…She also expressed the view that it was not too late for something good to come out of this unfortunate incident,” the statement said.

Original reporting by RFA's Burmese service, with additional reporting by news agencies. Translated by Khin May Zaw. Burmese service director: Nancy Shwe. Executive producer: Susan Lavery. Edited in English by Sarah Jackson-Han.

Published: May 20, 2009

READ MORE---> Rare Access Granted at Trial...