Wednesday, November 19, 2008

Stitching together a life (Feature)

Mizzima News
Tuesday, 18 November 2008 19:20


'Burma's garment workers and the struggle to survive '

On virtually any given morning, as the first rays of sun break through tropical foliage and illuminate the factory walls and gates of Rangoon's Hlaing Tharyar industrial zones, a familiar sight can be seen. Along the roads leading to the factories, seemingly endless streams of female workers, faces smeared with thanakha and lunch boxes in tow, make their way to Burma's garment factories for another arduous day of work.

Even after the debilitative toll of U.S.-led sanctions some five years previously, government statistics still sight some 100,000 young women as reliant upon the industry for their basic livelihood.

Without doubt, a portion of money invested in business in Burma finds its way into the generals' coffers. However companies sourcing garments from Burma are also helping in putting food on people's plates.

"I have no other options except to do this job," relates a worker at the MIT Garment Factory in Rangoon's South Dagon Industrial Zone. "Actually, it is tiring work, but I cannot get any other job."

Ma Nway, originally from Sagaing Division in central Burma, told of how she came to be employed in Rangoon's garment industry: "There are no assured regular income jobs in my village. I am the eldest of four siblings and have only a grade seven education. My aunt working here called me to work here, so I came. Now, occasionally, I can send 5,000 to 10,000 kyat (1 US$ = 1,250 kyat) back to my family.

Where then, if at all, can the line to be drawn between Burma's garment factories lining the golden pockets of Burma's military rulers and filling the lunch pails of the industries tens of thousands of domestic workers?

The "lack of" opportunity cost

Garment workers in Hlaing Thar Yar Industrial Zone of Rangoon. Long working hours but low pay are common. Photo: Mizzima

"For women, the garment factories of Rangoon offer very rare job alternatives," tells a young female employee in one of Hlaing Tharyar's factories. "If we don't want to work in these factories, we will have to sell things or work as masons."

"Most of the workers here share a similar problem, since they have no idea what to do if they lose this job, they have to do this work for their families," adds another of the industry's workers.

"I'd like to be a tailor at home when I quit this job, but I can't expect many orders from my neighborhood, people can hardly afford to buy one new dress per year," adds Ma Sein , a slightly older member of the garment workforce.

A majority of the industry's employees come from rural areas and lack a proper education – the average duration of a child's educational curriculum in Burma being eight years of schooling.

"I arrived from my village and have been here [in the garment factory] for over three years," says Khin Kyi, "I had no other choice, as I am without a good education or a job to do at home. I can easily get a job here from any of the garment factories. They don't ask for academic qualifications."

And even for those lucky enough to have gotten a chance to pursue their education at higher levels, opportunities for gainful employment are often still difficult to come by.

"Because of a contact and I happened to be jobless, I began working here," says Ma Yu, a 25-year old buyer in a garment factory and holder of a B.A. in History. In her position she earns 70,000 kyat per month – permitting her what she describes as a relatively comfortable life in Rangoon while also allowing her to support other family members.

However, for those looking or needing a level of income greater than what the textile factories can offer, difficult decisions regarding employment need often be made – decisions which can expose women to other means of exploitation.

"Although I am working here [in a massage parlor] just for the good income, there is no happiness and I am very much disappointed. We have to knead whoever is in the room according to their command. Sometimes when I have to be with drunkard, I become very annoyed," laments one of the throngs of women who have sought some form of economic security in the business.

Poverty, a domestically depressed economy and a dilapidated educational system are three of the factors that have merged to create the impetus for tens of thousands of women to seek work in Burma's garment factories.

The numbers game

Mizzima's research into the expected wages of hourly garment workers found a base monthly salary of 20,000 kyat for unskilled labor. However, the income that garment factory employees can expect to receive varies considerably, dependent upon both the job performed and the factory concerned.

"Lower level helpers can get 25,000 to 30,000 kyat per month, including overtime. An operator can get 40,000 to 50,000 per month, while graduated office staff can get about 70,000 kyat," says a worker at the MIT Garment Factory.

They are working here, she continued, because they have no other job to do. They do not want to work here since it is very exhausting, but they have no other job contacts. Helpers do not earn enough for their families with a salary of 20,000 or 30,000 kyat.

For those who contribute more skill to the manufacturing process, a higher income can generally be expected. Tailors are typically paid on an output basis and can often look to take home up to 50,000 kyat or more per month.

"Currently, the income of a female tailor is a minimum of 30,000 kyat to more than 70,000 kyat per month, according to the amount of work done and working period," relates an employee of the conditions in her factory in one of Rangoon's outlying communities. She contends that low-level employees are the minority in the factory, and these are the people who struggle to scrape out an existence.

At the extreme opposite end of the pay scale to that of unskilled labor, the highest salaried laborers, called "all supers" and "line supers," who supervise the workers, can take home from 100,000 kyat to 300,000 kyat a month, which, in Burma, places them firmly in the country's middle class.

When compared with the average wage of a daily laborer in Burma – estimated by the U.S. Department of State at between 500 and 1,000 kyat (or $0.40 to $0.80) – the earnings of a garment worker translates to 937 kyat per diem for lower-level employees, or hedging toward the upper limit of what the average laborer in Rangoon could expect to earn, but well shy of what is needed to ensure subsistence existence – a meal at a typical restaurant in Rangoon costing 1,000 kyat.

Yet for those who work as tailors, for example, a 40,000 kyat monthly income equates to an annual income of just over US$ 384, double the country-wide average and affording a modest level of economic standing.

This is not to say that the social existence of many Burmese garment workers is anything short of extreme hardship. But, what it also alludes to is the overall depressed nature of the Burmese economy, where a pair of earrings can be bought on the sidewalks for 50 kyat and a train ride to work for 20 kyat.

Suffering under the weight of sanctions

From a height of 829 million dollars earned from the export of garments in 2001, according to the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, official statistics devalue earnings by 66 percent, to a total of 282 million dollars, for fiscal year 2007-2008.

The trend of the Burmese garment industry's decreasing relevance to the state sector is also borne out in Burma Economic Watch's 2008 study on the economy of Burma, which chronicles a garment exporting industry in decline since 2003, with the export value from the industry now ranking well behind that of gas, teak and other woods, pulses and beans.

The garment industry's significant drop in earnings in the first decade of the century is largely attributable to the impact of sanctions, which heavily effected export markets – especially to the United States.

In 2001 exports of garments to the United States accounted for 408 million dollars, or 49 percent of Burma's total export earnings from the industry. But, with the imposition of extensive sanctions stemming from 2003's Burma Freedom and Democracy Act, exports to the United States were nonexistent by 2005.

Burma scholar David Steinberg subsequently estimated the impact of sanctions to be the closure of some 64 textile factories and an eventual loss in domestic jobs totaling approximately 200,000, predominantly among young women.

Additionally, a 2005 study by the Japanese Institute of Developing Economies discovered that the garment factories most severely affected by boycotts and sanctions have been small and medium-sized domestic private firms and their workers.

Captive to failed policies

Economic and social innovations of recent decades have largely passed Burma by. It is within this context that the garment industry finds itself as one of preciously few venues striving to practice modern methods of mass production.

Hard fought, yet eventually won, battles for labor rights – and more – have before spawned from might have been thought unlikely breeding grounds. With their backs against the icy waters of the Baltic Sea, a strike of some 17,000 workers at the Gdansk Shipyard in 1980 realized ultimate victory on the political stage with the election, ten years later, of vocational school graduate and 1983 Nobel Laureate Lech Walesa to the Polish Presidency.

In early 2007 – well before monk-led protests captured the world's headlines – there was a large strike in the Taw Win Garment Factory over insufficient salaries. And only last month, workers at the MP Garment Factory went on strike over long hours and low pay.

Yet, ultimately, the situation that Burma's garment industry laborers find themselves in is but one more commentary on the depressed nature of the Burmese state and infrastructure, as well as the battle being waged over Burma in international forums well above the heads of the helpers and tailors of Hlaing Tharyar and the other industrial parks.

Garment jobs, with their long hours and low pay are far from what Burma's work force needs and deserves. Yet, the question has to be asked: Are they the best in a list of poor options available to those who staff the factories, people trying to do their best to be able to live one day at a time?

Mizzima reporters in Rangoon, Burma, and Chiang Mai, Thailand, contributed to this report. All names in the write-up have been altered as a precaution to protect the identity of the individuals concerned.

READ MORE---> Stitching together a life (Feature)...

NLD MP Dr. Hla Aung passes away

by Phanida
Tuesday, 18 November 2008 18:54

Chiang Mai (Mizzima)– National League for Democracy (NLD) MP-elect, Dr. Hla Aung, suddenly passed away today at his residence, it is learnt.

Dr. Hla Aung, one of the 398 NLD MPs elected in the 1990 general election, he is the 99th to have since died.

Wandwin Township NLD Joint Secretary Aung Thu told Mizzima that Dr. Hla Aung passed away at his home within an hour after suffering trouble breathing while meditating at Wandwin Township's Panpingyi meditation camp.

Dr. Hla Aung (68) joined the popular 8-8-88 uprising and contested the 1990 general election, representing Wandwin constituency No. 2.

He earned a B.A. from Mandalay University and a Diploma in International Relations from Rangoon University, later receiving a PhD in Economics and a Diploma in Russian language following five-years of study at Moscow University.

"His demise is a loss for the people of Burma as he was a smart and honest intellectual, capable of doing much for the country," his colleague U Aung Thu said.

He is survived by his wife Aye Nuu and four children.

According to the National Coalition Government of Union of Burma (NCGUB) and the Association for Assistance to Political Prisoners (AAPP), 34 NLD MPs-elect are now in exile and 17 MPs-elect are still behind bars.

READ MORE---> NLD MP Dr. Hla Aung passes away...

Myanmar courts imprison ethnic minority activists

YANGON, Myanmar (IHT): A court in military-ruled Myanmar sentenced three ethnic minority activists and a well-known Buddhist monk to prison Tuesday, continuing a crackdown that began last week with pro-democracy activists.

Meanwhile, five United Nations experts issued a statement in Geneva strongly condemning the "severe convictions and the unfair trials of prisoners of conscience in Myanmar." At least 70 activists were sentenced to prison terms last week, and another seven on Monday.

Chin leader Chin Sian Thang said a court inside Yangon's Insein Prison on Tuesday sentenced his son, Kam Lat Khaot to 33 years in prison and his nephew, Kai Kham Kwal, to eight years.

Chin Sian Thang said a member of the Arakan minority was also given 33 years. The Arakan, like the Chin, are clustered in western Myanmar.

Ashin Gambira, one of the most prominent monks leading pro-democracy protests in September 2007, was sentenced to 12 years imprisonment and still faces further charges, he said.

"The judicial system in Myanmar has collapsed and the courts are passing down sentences in contravention of the law. These secret trials are blatant violations of human rights," Chin Sian Thang said.

Chin Sian Thang is a prominent politician who won a parliamentary seat in elections in 1990, the results of which were never recognized by the ruling junta. He said he received information about the sentencing while waiting outside the prison.

The Chin leader said he was detained for about a month during last year's pro-democracy demonstrations, while his son and nephew were arrested in October. The junta's repression of the protests resulted in at least 31 people being killed and thousands detained, according to U.N. estimates.

The statement from the U.N. experts said they "strongly urge the Myanmar authorities to cease harassing and arresting individuals for peacefully exercising their internationally recognized human rights."

"They further demand that all detainees be retried in open hearings respecting fair trial standards and the immediate release of their defense counsels," it said. Three defense lawyers have been sentenced to several months imprisonment for contempt of court, while several others have been barred from representing their clients.

The U.N. experts are Tomas Ojea Quintana, special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar; Leandro Despouy, rapporteur for the independence of judges and lawyers; Frank La Rue, rapporteur for freedom of opinion and expression; Margaret Sekaggya, rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders; and Asma Jahangir, rapporteur for freedom of religion or belief.

READ MORE---> Myanmar courts imprison ethnic minority activists...

BURMESE DISSIDENT DESERVES RELEASE

Zaw Myint Maung, who has endured 18 years as a prisoner of conscience in Burma.

By Zin Linn

Column: Burma Question
November 07, 2008


Bangkok, Thailand (upiasia)— Have you ever imagined what it would be like to be a prisoner of conscience for a few days in the Burmese military junta's infamous Insein prison? The military authorities confine you in an undersized cell, 8.5 by 11.5 feet, with only a bamboo mat on the concrete floor. Sleeping, eating, walking and going to the bathroom are all done in the same place.

You cannot see the sun, the moon or the stars. You are intentionally barred from breathing fresh air, eating nutritious food and drinking pure water. Books, periodicals, radio and television are out of the question. If you get sick, no medical worker will check on you until you have lost consciousness.

Under such harsh conditions, Zaw Myint Maung, an experienced physician who never committed even a small crime, has been languishing in prison for nearly two decades. As a one-time cell mate of his, each moment I think about his situation in the junta's atrocious dungeon, I feel uneasy.

It was 1994, in the cell compound of the infamous Insein Prison. I was in cell No. 10 of cell block No. 3 with Zaw Myint Maung, a healthy and handsome man of short stature with tan skin. He was very kind and helpful not only to inmates, but also to wardens and prison officers, who consulted him in health matters. Because of his calm, warm manner as an experienced medical doctor, the prison staff paid him respect behind the military intelligence officers’ backs.

Hence, he managed to form a medical assistance committee in prison, smuggling medicines and disposable syringes into prison cells. He treated his fellow inmates’ various sicknesses and even did minor surgeries with the help of the wardens who respected him. Many wardens regarded the doctor as their health consultant in those days.

A graduate from the Mandalay Institute of Medicine in 1979, he became head physician of Ywar-thit-kyi District Hospital in Sgaing Division in 1982. He worked in the biochemistry department of the Mandalay Institute of Medicine for eight years. During the 1988 People's Uprising, he was elected secretary of the Mandalay Doctors' Association.

Then he became a member of the National League for Democracy and was later elected as a member of Parliament from Mandalay’s Amarapura township in 1990. After the junta refused to honor the election results, he and some members of Parliament held secret meetings to find a political way out. As a result, Zaw Myint Maung was arrested on Nov. 22 and put on trial for allegedly participating in meetings to form a parallel government. He was charged with treason against the nation and sentenced to 25 years in prison at a military tribunal with no legal representation.

He has been languishing in the junta's hellish prison for 18 years, or one-third of his life. While in Insein Prison, he underwent many interrogations by intelligence officials about his views on the military regime and political dissident Aung San Suu Kyi. The authorities tried to persuade him to collaborate with them, but they could not win over his strong political aspiration of building a democratic Burma. As a staunch supporter of Aung San Suu Kyi, he is on the top of the junta's blacklist.

I remember one noteworthy vision of the doctor. He said, “Democracy is on the march around the world, including Burma. But we need commitment to work selflessly with grassroots people until the day that a free Burma emerges. The struggle for freedom may need more time. But it will not be beyond measure. It’s a war between the just and unjust. The just will prevail at last."

In 1995, fellow political prisoners from various organizations actively worked to collect valid facts and figures on human rights abuses experienced in prison, for a report to be sent to the United Nations on the situation of human rights in Burma. Zaw Myint Maung was one of the coordinators of this effort.

On July 15, 1995, the report, "Human Rights Abuses in the Junta's Prisons," together with a petition of over 100 political prisoners, was successfully smuggled out. Within weeks, the report was sent to Yozo Yokota, the U.N. Special Rapporteur for Burma.

The release of both the report and the petition hurt the junta’s image and made the generals extremely angry. Consequently, the prison cell compound was searched, and many inmates were thrown into dark cells and interrogated while being deprived of food and sleep.

Zaw Myint Maung was one of 24 political prisoners who were given further prison sentences on March 28, 1996, in connection with their circulation of news journals within the prison and their efforts to report human rights violations to the United Nations. The doctor was alleged to have written politically agitating poems and to have signed a petition for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi.

During the investigation, he and seven others, including U Win Tin, a famous journalist and senior member of the NLD, were held in cells designed for military dogs, made to sleep on concrete floors without bedding during winter and left without food and water.

Maung was held in a dog cell between Nov. 1995 and May 1996. The group of 24 had no attorneys to defend them against the charges they faced. They were charged with threatening prison security and forming anti-junta organizations in prison. The doctor was then sentenced to an additional 12 years’ imprisonment under both charges.

On April 3, 1997, he was transferred to the Myit-kyi-na prison in the state of Kachin, which is in the north of Burma and has extreme weather. Harsh prison conditions are still commonplace in Burmese prisons, and many prisoners suffer from serious mental disorders resulting from long periods of solitary confinement.

Prisoners cannot get essential medical treatment even in Insein Prison, which is the model prison in Burma. Even worse is the fact that when political prisoners face a fatal illness, they will not be hospitalized unless they abandon their dissident beliefs. Hundreds of deaths are due to the authorities' unnecessarily negligence in medical treatment. Currently, there are more than 2,100 political prisoners in Burma, including 18 members of Parliament, 178 female prisoners and 213 Buddhist monks.

The valiant, imprisoned physician has constantly refused to sign a confession promising to abandon his political beliefs as a condition for his release. Zaw Myint Maung is the father of two sons and one daughter. He has not been able to show fatherly love to his children for nearly two decades. He himself has been suffering from hemorrhoids and stomach pain. With his 57th birthday approaching on Dec. 11, the doctor deserves freedom as a birthday present for his contributions to society.

Burma has been called "the world's largest open prison for prisoners of conscience." There are over 2,100 political prisoners still languishing in Burmese prisons, among whom Zaw Myint Maung may be Burma's longest-serving prisoner of conscience.

Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights says: "No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment." But Zaw Myint Maung has been suffering from torture and three unjust prison sentences for almost 37 years.

It would be great if international NGOs launched a concerted effort to free political prisoners in Burma, since this situation not only involves regional politics, but is also connected with global humanitarianism. For that reason, the United Nations, ASEAN, the European Union and China should consider pressuring the State Peace and Development Council to free all political prisoners immediately and unconditionally.

--

(Zin Linn is a freelance Burmese journalist living in exile. He currently serves as information director of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma in Bangkok, Thailand. He is also vice-president of the Burma Media Association, which is affiliated with the Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontiers. He can be contacted at uzinlinn@gmail.com. ©Copyright Zin Linn.)

READ MORE---> BURMESE DISSIDENT DESERVES RELEASE...

Burma supporters urged to lobby 40th Canadian Parliament MPs

Dear friends and supporters:

40th Canadian Parliament has reopened today with newly elected Members of Parliament (MPs). You might wonder the status of those MPs who were part of Parliamentary Friends of Burma (PFOB).

Good news is that 23 out of 29 are re-elected. Those who re-elected are alphabetically listed below:

  1. Bryon Wilfert (Liberal) – Richmond Hill, Ontario
  2. Bruce Stanton (Liberal) – Simcoe North, Ontario
  3. Christiane Gagnon (Bloc Québécois) – Quebec, Quebec
  4. Deepak Obhrai (Conservative) – Calgary East, Alberta
  5. Derek Lee (Liberal) – Scarborough-Rough River, Ontario
  6. Diane Bourgeois (Bloc Quebecois) – Terrebonne-Blainville, Quebec
  7. Gary Goodyear (Conservative) – Cambridge, Ontario
  8. Geoff Regan (Liberal) – Halifax West, Nova Scotia
  9. Irwin Cotler (Liberal) – Mount Royal, Quebec
  10. Irene Mathyssen (NDP) – London-Fanshawe, Ontario
  11. Jack Layton (NDP) – Toronto-Danforth, Ontario
  12. Jason Kenney (Conservative) – Calgary South-east, Alberta
  13. Jean Crowder (NDP) – Nanaimo-Cowichan, British Columbia
  14. Judy Wasylycia (NDP) – Winnipeg North, Manitoba
  15. Keith Martin (Liberal) –Esquimalt-Juan de Fuca, British Columbia
  16. Larry Bagnell (Liberal) – Yukon, Yukon
  17. Olivia Chow (NDP) – Trinity-Spadina, Ontario
  18. Patrick Brown (Conservative) – Berries, Ontario
  19. Paul Dewar (NDP) – Ottawa Center, Ontario
  20. Paul Szabo (Liberal) –Mississauga South, Ontario
  21. Rob Anders (Conservative) – Calgary West, Alberta
  22. Stockwell Day (Conservative) –Okanagan-Coquihalla, British Columbia
  23. Wayne Marston (NDP) – Hamilton East-Stoney Creek, Ontario

Those who not re-elected or run in the last election are:
  1. Alex McDonough, ( veteran NDP MP who did not ran in the election)
  2. Blair Wilson (Green Party)
  3. Garth Turner (Liberal)
  4. John Maloney (Liberal)
  5. Lloyd St. Amand (Liberal)
  6. Rahim Jaffer (Conservative)

In addition to MPs, PFOB has eight Senators. They are as followed:
  1. Sen. David Smith
  2. Sen. Joseph Day
  3. Sen. Mira Spivak
  4. Sen. Mobina Jaffer
  5. Sen. Nancy Ruth
  6. Sen. Percy Downe
  7. Sen. Raynell Andreychuk
  8. Sen. Vivienne Poy
Colleagues and supporters across Canada are urged to lobby your MPs to join Parliamentary Friends of Burma (PFOB). PFOB was founded in December 7, 2006, as part of Canada’s effort to support democracy movement in Burma.

-Canadian Friends of Burma-
__________________________
The Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB) is federally incorporated, national non-governmental organization working for democracy and human rights in Burma since 1991.
Contact:
Suite 206, 145 Spruce St.,
Ottawa, K1R 6P1;
Tel: 613.237.8056;
Email: cfob@cfob.org;
Web: www.cfob.org

READ MORE---> Burma supporters urged to lobby 40th Canadian Parliament MPs...

Sunday, November 2, 2008

Myanmar Constitution 2008

By MMMan

2 Nov 2008 ... The constitution gives 25 percent of the parliamentary seats to the military. English 2008 constitution

Myanmar Constitution 2008 English version

READ MORE---> Myanmar Constitution 2008...

Wednesday, October 15, 2008

Win Tin praises NLD prayer meetings

Oct 15, 2008 (DVB)–Women and youth members of the National League for Democracy offered prayers for the release of political prisoners and gave donations to monks and nuns at party headquarters yesterday.

Aye Aye Mar of the NLD central women’s committee said that the party members were under close watch by the authorities as they made their offerings.

Similar activities were carried out at pagodas in Bago, Meikhtila and elsewhere in Burma.

Senior NLD member Win Tin, who was released from detention last month after more than 19 years behind bars, praised the women and youth members for their activities.

"It's very, very good because we cannot just keep our heads down everywhere,” he said.

“We have to do what we can, including things like prayer meetings, to show that we are still active.”

Win Tin also condemned the intimidation of NLD members by the authorities and restrictions preventing them from offering prayer for the release of prisoners at the pagodas.

"This kind of restriction is very oppressive,” Win Tin said.

“Why can't we pray for the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at the pagoda? We have the right to demand the freedom of someone,” he said.

“It is not a rebellion, it is not a protest, and the pagoda is not theirs. It belongs to everyone and everyone has the right to pray there."

Reporting by Khin Hnin Htet

READ MORE---> Win Tin praises NLD prayer meetings...

Monday, October 6, 2008

Burma's Muslim Rohingya Minority Dwell at the "Brink of Extermination"

Rohingyarefugeecamp

By Benedict Rogers
Cutting Edge Burma Desk

It is not often you meet someone who tells you that he is from “a people at the brink of extermination.” But the testimonies from refugees in a remote corner of southern Bangladesh, on the border with Burma, justify that assessment. For the Rohingya people, a Muslim minority in northern Arakan State, western Burma, are a stateless people whose very identity is denied.

All the people of Burma are suffering at the hands of one of the world’s most brutal, and illegitimate, military regimes. From time to time Burma’s crisis hits the headlines, as it did with protests led by Buddhist monks last September, and Cyclone Nargis in May this year. In between such events, however, Burma fades from the world’s attention.

If Burma as a whole is under-reported, the people on its western borders are almost unknown to the world. Journalists, activists and aid agencies who visit the region tend to head for the Thailand-Burma border, where access to refugees, displaced people and democracy groups is greatest.

Few visit Burma’s borders with India, where a famine is unfolding, or with China, where women are trafficked into prostitution, and fewer still make it to the Bangladesh border where a slow, forgotten genocide is taking place.

The Rohingya people are ethnically and culturally closely related to the Bengali people in the area surrounding Chittagong, but have lived in Burma for generations. While their precise history may be debated, there is no doubt that they are not newcomers to the country. Yet unlike all the other ethnic groups in Burma, which although severely persecuted by the regime are at least recognised as citizens, the Rohingyas are regarded as “temporary residents” and denied full citizenship status. They are required to obtain permission before marrying, and a permit can take several years to secure. Movement is severely restricted – Rohingyas must obtain permission to travel even from one village to another, impeding access to medical care and education. As ‘non-citizens’, Rohingyas cannot be employed as teachers, nurses, civil servants or in any public service, and in Rohingya areas teachers, mostly from the Buddhist Rakhine ethnic group, sometimes fail to turn up for an entire year, disrupting educational opportunities for the Rohingyas. Rape and forced labour are widespread, and Rohingyas are singled out by the authorities for extortion. Soldiers demand money from them, and when they cannot pay they are arrested and tortured.

On a visit to the Bangladesh-Burma border, I heard numerous accounts of these violations from Rohingya refugees. And they were confirmed by three defectors who had escaped from Burma’s military. The defectors, who had served in the Burma Army’s border security force known as the ‘Na Sa Ka’, said that the Rohingya were specifically targeted for extortion. One said: “Throughout my life in the Na Sa Ka, I was used to this system of arresting Muslims, asking for money, torturing them, every day. We only arrested Muslims, not Rakhines.”

The Rohingyas face religious persecution as well. It is almost impossible to obtain permission to renovate, repair, rebuild or extend mosques or other religious buildings. In the past three years, 12 mosques in northern Arakan have been demolished, and a large number were closed in 2006. Since 1962, I was told, not a single new mosque has been built. Religious leaders have been jailed for illegally renovating mosques.

A senior UN official, who has served in Darfur, Somalia and other humanitarian crisis situations and, in the words of a foreign diplomat, “knows misery when he sees it”, recently described the situation in northern Arakan State, western Burma, as “as bad as anything he has seen in terms the denial of basic human freedoms”.

For these reasons, it is estimated that at least 200,000 Rohingyas have fled to Bangladesh. In 1978 and 1991, there were significant influxes of refugees fleeing across the border, and even today Rohingyas trickle out one by one, in the hope of finding security in Bangladesh. However, even in Bangladesh, they are vulnerable. Only 27,000 are recognised by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and live in two official camps. Thousands more are unrecognised, and live either in Bangladeshi towns and villages or in temporary ‘makeshift’ camps where conditions are dire. In the makeshift camps they receive no access to health care or education, and no rations. Even in the official camps, there is no formal education beyond the age of 12. One 18 year-old is teaching in one of the schools, but has no opportunity for further study himself. “I am compelled to teach, but I would prefer to learn first,” he told me. “If I stay like this, with no further education, my future life will be ruined.”

A few years ago, the UNHCR forcibly repatriated at least 230,000 Rohingyas back to Burma, but many have returned, unable to survive in their homeland. One refugee said: “As long as human rights abuses continue in Burma, we cannot go back. We are caught between a crocodile and a snake. Where can we go?” Another expressed their dilemma, and statelessness, equally starkly: “The Bangladesh authorities say we are from Burma. The Burmese regime says we are Bengali. Where should we go?”

As part of its campaign against the Rohingyas, the junta regularly stirs up anti-Muslim sentiment among the Buddhist Rakhine and Burmans, with some success. “The regime uses the Rakhine against us as part of a divide-and-rule policy,” said one Rohingya. And so in addition to facing persecution from the regime, the Rohingyas face discrimination from Burma’s democracy movement too. Many Rakhine and Burmans in the democracy movement refuse to recognise the Rohingyas as an ethnic group, and they have been denied membership of the opposition Ethnic Nationalities Council. There is a dispute even over the term ‘Rohingya’, and many Rakhine prefer to call them “Arakanese Muslims”, “Burmese Muslims” or “Bengalis of Burma”.

Some Rakhine, however, have recognised the need to work with the Rohingyas against their common enemy, the regime. After all, the Rakhine are also victims of the junta. In schools, teachers use Burmese and the Rakhine language is banned. Forced labour is widespread. “The regime is carrying out an attack on our language, identity and culture,” said one Rakhine. The National United Party of Arakan (NUPA) has an alliance with the Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO). One NUPA leader told me: “When a people have been living this long through history, why should they be deprived of their citizenship rights?”

“The regime is trying to take away our identity,” a Rohingya leader told me. “We will not be there in the very near future. The disintegration of our society will take place. Our prime concern is that we must not be eliminated.” With that context, it is perhaps not surprising that some Rohingyas have been radicalised, feeling they have few allies in the world. Militant Islamist groups have preyed on their vulnerability. There are even suggestions that some Rohingyas have been linked to al-Qaeda. All the more reason, it seems, why it is essential to speak up for them, and encourage Burma’s democracy movement to be more inclusive. Not only is there a strong moral case to speak out against their persecution, but a powerful strategic incentive to do so as well. As one moderate Buddhist Rakhine told me: “We have to reach out to moderate Rohingyas, and work with them, because if we don’t, they will have nowhere else to go but radical Islamism.” Burma is troubled enough as it is, without that prospect to add to its woes.

Benedict Rogers is the author of A Land Without Evil: Stopping the Genocide of Burma's Karen People (Monarch, 2004), and has visited Burma and its borderlands more than 20 times. He also serves as Deputy Chairman of the UK Conservative Party's Human Rights Commission.

See a full report on the situation here

For further information, see here

READ MORE---> Burma's Muslim Rohingya Minority Dwell at the "Brink of Extermination"...

Friday, October 3, 2008

The Spring before Khin Nyunt’s Fall

By AUNG ZAW
The Irrawaddy News
OCTOBER, 2008 - VOLUME 16 NO.10

For a while, the Burmese junta looked like it might be ready to meet the West halfway. The ouster of the regime’s spy chief ended all that

IN early 2000, Maj Aung Lynn Htut began his new assignment as the deputy chief of the Burmese embassy in Washington, DC, with a mission to improve ties with the incoming administration of President George W Bush.

It was not his first time in the US capital. In 1987, the graduate of the elite Defense Services Academy spent three months in Washington receiving training from the CIA.

Then Prime Minister Gen Khin Nyunt waves to the media while heading to a summit in Pagan in 2003. (Photo: AFP)

When he returned to the US in 2000, Aung Lynn Htut served as an officer in the counter-intelligence department of the Office of the Chief of Military Intelligence (OCMI). His boss was Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, secretary 1 of the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and head of the junta’s powerful intelligence apparatus.

Khin Nyunt was also the architect of a series of ceasefire agreements with domestic insurgent groups that had strengthened the regime’s hold on power over the course of the preceding decade.

By the time Bush took office, Khin Nyunt appeared to believe that a détente with the junta’s staunchest international critic was also possible, according to Aung Lynn Htut.

“We waited until Bush came to power and then we started lobbying in DC,” said the former major.

In an extensive interview with The Irrawaddy, Aung Lynn Htut provided an inside look at this pivotal time in recent Burmese history, when the ruling regime seemed to be ready to turn a new page in its relations with the West.

As he revealed, however, it was also a period of intensifying rivalries within the junta.

Before Khin Nyunt could begin his experiment in reshaping ties with the US and other Western countries, he had to get a green light from the SPDC’s top leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe.

As the strongman who called all the shots, Than Shwe was an inveterate hardliner who did not always take kindly to Khin Nyunt’s conciliatory overtures. But the intelligence chief’s success in sidelining former insurgents had allowed the regime to focus on its war of attrition against democratic forces; so, in a nod to Khin Nyunt’s proven ability to neutralize opponents through guile, Than Shwe gave him the go-ahead to work his magic on Washington.

Aung Lynn Htut’s assignment to Washington was one of the first tentative steps towards ending the regime’s isolation from governments it had long regarded as hostile.

Another part of the charm offensive was the launch of a colorful English-language newspaper, The Myanmar Times, which would present a more sophisticated image of the regime than the stodgy, Stalinistic fare offered by the state-run press.

As a further step, the regime hired DCI Group, a Washington-based lobbying firm, in 2002. The firm was paid US $348,000 to represent the junta, which had been strongly condemned by the US State Department for its human rights record. US Justice Department lobbying records show that DCI worked to “begin a dialogue of political reconciliation” with the regime.

The firm led a PR campaign to burnish the junta’s image, drafting releases praising Burma’s efforts to curb the drug trade and denouncing claims that the regime had used rape as a weapon in its military campaigns against ethnic insurgents.

By this time, the regime was becoming genuinely concerned that Bush’s policy on Burma was getting tougher. “We thought we had to counter it,” said Aung Lynn Htut.

He and his senior officers gathered information about who they could approach to ask for help. Khin Nyunt’s office started to reach out to Burma scholars who were sympathetic to the regime and who disagreed with the US government’s sanctions policy. Disgruntled prominent dissidents were also approached in a bid to persuade them to switch sides.

The regime also invited senior UN officials to come to Burma.

Joseph Verner Reed, the UN undersecretary and special adviser to former UN chief Kofi Annan and now to Ban Ki-moon, arrived in Rangoon to attend an event marking United Nations Day in 2002.

The high-ranking UN official was known to be close to some senior officers of the Burmese regime. Interestingly, he was listed on the board of the U Thant Institute in New York. U Thant, a Burmese, was the UN secretary-general from 1961 to 1971.

In a speech to commemorate the founding of the UN, Khin Nyunt said that Burma had always considered the world body to be of fundamental importance for the preservation of international peace and security and for the promotion of the economic and social development of mankind.

Former intelligence officer Maj Aung Lynn Htut

“I wish to express our sincere appreciation and thanks to the United Nations and to the Honorable Under Secretary General Mr Joseph Verner Reed in particular for making this possible,” Khin Nyunt said in his speech, praising his special guest for attending.

But why did Khin Nyunt approach Reed in the first place?

“We gathered information that he didn’t like Aung San Suu Kyi,” Aung Lynn Htut, who acted as a liaison officer between Reed’s office and Khin Nyunt’s, said with a laugh.

In Washington, Burmese intelligence officers knew that it wouldn’t be so easy to find a sympathetic ear. They were up against US-based campaign groups and exiled Burmese activists who had considerable influence in forming US policy on Burma. They realized that it would not be easy to convince State Department officials, let alone Congress and the White House, that the regime was not as reprehensible as it had been portrayed.

Reports of forced labor, child soldiers and systematic rape committed by Burmese troops were thorny issues, and Khin Nyunt and his senior officers who handled foreign affairs realized that it would be an uphill battle.

Nevertheless, Khin Nyunt’s intelligence unit managed to reach a few US State Department officials with its message, including Matthew Daley, then head of the Southeast Asia Department. Daley once said that the US sanctions policy on Burma had failed and was not moving the country in the right direction.

Then, in May 2002, the regime took a bold step by releasing Suu Kyi. The Nobel Peace Prize winner was allowed to go on political organizing trips to the countryside. In return, she agreed to inspect the regime’s development projects.

That same month, despite a visa ban and active US sanctions, senior intelligence officer Maj-Gen Kyaw Thein was given a visa to enter the US to brief some senior government officials on the Burmese regime’s efforts to eradicate illicit opium production.

Meanwhile, as Suu Kyi began to travel around the countryside meeting her supporters, intelligence officers were engaging in behind-the-scenes negotiations with the opposition leader. Maj-Gen Kyaw Win, deputy head of OCMI, his deputy, Brig-Gen Than Htun, and Minister of Home Affairs Col Tin Hlaing were involved in the talks with Suu Kyi.

News of this “secret dialogue” was leaked to then UN Special Envoy Razali Ismail by Foreign Minister Win Aung, a loyal follower of Khin Nyunt. Razali, who played no part in facilitating this dialogue, released this information to the world, which welcomed the first signs of political progress to come out of the country in many years.

The “kinder and gentler” image of the junta was further enhanced by The Myanmar Times, which faithfully propagated the regime’s agenda. The newspaper gave extensive coverage to the regime’s fight against HIV/AIDS and its increased cooperation with the UN, and even highlighted a visit to Burma by the family of U Thant as evidence of a changing political climate.

As all of these developments were unfolding, Khin Nyunt gave briefings to Than Shwe to attempt to persuade the junta’s supreme commander to open up more space for international agencies such as the International Labor Organization and the International Committee of the Red Cross.

In his efforts to convince Than Shwe of the need for greater openness, Khin Nyunt often turned to the senior leader’s deputy, Kyaw Win, for help.

Kyaw Win was a specialist in psychological warfare who had served under Than Shwe since he was a junior officer in the army. It was known that he could freely enter Than Shwe’s office at any time. He often came late at night, offering tea or a massage, to talk about the need to allow more international agencies to operate in Burma and to tackle sensitive issues such as forced labor and the recruitment of child soldiers.

But it wasn’t easy. Than Shwe was stubborn and completely indifferent to the opinions of his foreign critics, said Aung Lynn Htut, who had met the top general on a number of occasions.

“He was a bulldog,” recalled the former major. “He didn’t really care about international pressure.”

On the child soldier issue, for instance, Than Shwe completely dismissed criticism, telling his subordinates, “Don’t worry. In two or three years, these kids will be adults.”

“He didn’t understand that this was a serious issue which we had to deal with at the UN,” said Aung Lynn Htut.

People who have worked with Than Shwe said that he is slow to make up his mind and rarely gives clear yes or no answers to questions, forcing officers to carefully decode his vague replies.

But if Than Shwe often seemed indecisive, he also had very definite ideas about what really mattered as far as world opinion was concerned. To his mind, the regime had no reason to worry about international pressure as long as Burma could maintain good relations with China, India and Russia.

What about the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean)? Aung Lynn Htut said that the senior general didn’t even take the regional grouping into consideration.

Even Thailand—the largest source of foreign investment in the Burmese economy—was powerless to influence the regime. Indeed, Than Shwe always insisted that Thailand’s dependence on Burmese gas and border trade gave the junta significant sway over Thai politicians.

But Than Shwe was not as complacent about other potential challenges to his hold on power. While the intelligence camp was making real headway with its overseas PR offensive, hardliners close to Than Shwe were growing increasingly wary of the influence of two people at home—Suu Kyi and Khin Nyunt.

Suu Kyi was considered the greater immediate threat. Her travels around the country had attracted huge crowds of supporters. The hardliners decided to strike back with a vicious attack on the pro-democracy leader’s entourage as they traveled near Depayin in May 2003. Suu Kyi was arrested and detained soon after the massacre, which claimed the lives of dozens of her followers.

According to Aung Lynn Htut, the intelligence unit, which had been tailing Suu Kyi’s motorcade around the country, had no forewarning of the attack.

“We knew they were planning something, but we didn’t know the real plan,” he said. (JEG's: last minute surprises..)

Suddenly, all of the regime’s PR gains were erased. The Bush administration stepped up its pressure on the junta and imposed tough new sanctions.

But Than Shwe wasn’t finished. Next he turned his attention to Khin Nyunt.

The senior leader was not alone in his mistrust of the intelligence chief. Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye, the army chief, also saw a need to contain Khin Nyunt.

Than Shwe didn’t confront Khin Nyunt directly, but made some surprise moves at the Defense Ministry to undermine his influence. Most importantly, he brought in a few new faces: Gen Shwe Mann, Gen Soe Win, Gen Myint Swe and Gen Ye Myint.

Shwe Mann was being groomed to take over the commander in chief position and Soe Win was to take charge of the intelligence department. Khin Nyunt suddenly felt the heat. He was now accused of underestimating the potential threat of “the enemy”—Aung San Suu Kyi.

For the first time since 2001, when Than Shwe placed Khin Nyunt’s mentor, former dictator Ne Win, under house arrest after his daughter and grandson were accused of plotting a coup, Khin Nyunt found himself precariously close to becoming yesterday’s man.

Than Shwe’s next move was to name Khin Nyunt prime minister. According to former military intelligence officers, both Than Shwe and Maung Aye then urged Khin Nyunt to hand over control of the OCMI to either Myint Swe or Ye Myint. Khin Nyunt refused.

News of the SPDC’s internal conflict began to leak to the foreign press through senior military intelligence officers. Foreign Minister Win Aung hinted to his Asean counterparts that there was a bitter power struggle among the top leadership.

According to Aung Lynn Htut, strong business and personal rivalries added to the political tensions. Khin Nyunt’s wife and her circle of friends used to refer to Than Shwe’s wife, Kyaing Kyaing, and her closest friends as the “uneducated wives club,” he said.

Corruption was another key issue. Cases were being built targeting the spy chief. Several of his subordinates were arrested in northern Burma on corruption charges. Khin Nyunt’s name was also implicated when the authorities seized a fishing boat in Mergui with 500 kg of heroin on board.

After returning from a trip to Singapore in September 2003, Khin Nyunt had a heated argument with Than Shwe at the Defense Ministry and offered to resign. But Than Shwe told him he had a new assignment to offer him.

In October, Khin Nyunt called a secret meeting with his top intelligence officers and ordered them to provide documents as evidence of corruption against Than Shwe and top army leaders. Shwe Mann heard about the meeting and immediately informed Than Shwe.

On his way back from a trip to Mandalay, Khin Nyunt was arrested and charged with corruption and insubordination.

The regional commanders and army officers who believed that Khin Nyunt was building a state within a state hailed the purge. In fact, Than Shwe succeeded not only in consolidating his power base but also in gaining even more support within the armed forces.

“The army all hated us [the intelligence unit] because we had information about them, and even I, as a major, could reprimand a regional commander,” said Aung Lynn Htut.

The mission to win hearts and minds was over. Asean, China and Khin Nyunt’s allies in the West and the UN were disappointed to see the “moderate force” arrested and locked up.

Than Shwe did not want to release Suu Kyi, although secret negotiations between her and the regime were resumed just before the government revived its National Convention in December 2004. Suu Kyi, in a spirit of compromise, even sent a letter to Than Shwe to show that she bore no grudges over the Depayin ambush.

During these meetings, Suu Kyi and her party leaders agreed to return to the convention if the regime released her.

Aung Lynn Htut, who was still in Washington at this time, received daily phone calls from Rangoon. He was told that it was almost 95 percent certain that the NLD was going back to the convention. At the last minute, however, the deal fell through. Than Shwe did not keep his promise to free the iconic pro-democracy leader.

Ironically, it was Khin Nyunt who had announced, in August 2003, that the National Convention would be resumed as part of a seven-step “road map” to “disciplined democracy.” Now, however, he and his family were under house arrest, and most of his closest subordinates—with the notable exceptions of Kyaw Win and Kyaw Thein—were serving long prison sentences.

Four years after the removal of Khin Nyunt and his entire secret police department, many in the armed forces still believe that he had a plan to stage a coup against Than Shwe and wanted to become commander in chief of the armed forces.

For Aung Lynn Htut, his former boss’s downfall spelled the end of his career in military intelligence. In March 2005, he sought asylum in the US.

Since then, he has been an outspoken critic of Than Shwe. Through overseas Burmese radio stations, he has called on the junta leader to step down and urged soldiers to remove him from power.

Aung Lynn Htut said he believed that many senior intelligence officers who are now in prison felt the same way.

Referring to the pro-democracy movement, he said, “We wanted to see the revolution succeed.”

Also recorded at:
http://please-help-burma.blogspot.com/2008/10/spring-before-khin-nyunts-fall.html

READ MORE---> The Spring before Khin Nyunt’s Fall...

Sunday, September 28, 2008

Paper worth 20-year prison sentence released

Sunday, 28 September 2008 14:11 S.H.A.N.

(Shanland) -An 8-page policy paper prepared by the Rangoon-based United Nationalities Alliance (UNA) which had cost a Shan leader a 20-year sentence of imprisonment in 2005 was released yesterday.

A copy of the paper entitled “The future of Burma,” written in Burmese, was seized by junta authorities during a two-day sweep of prominent Shan activists that netted 9 of them on 8-9 February 2005.

Sai Nyunt Lwin, General Secretary of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), who undertook to type the manuscript, is currently serving an 85 year sentence in Kalay, Sagaing division.

Charges include treason and defamation of the state, among others.

As for others:
The arrest and imprisonment of Hso Ten, leader of the Shan State Army (SSA) North, marked the beginning of strained relationship between the junta and the armed movements that had entered ceasefire pacts with Rangoon.

Khun Tun Oo, who was given 95 years, is the leader of the SNLD, that came out second countrywide and first statewide in the 1990 elections.

One of them, Myint Than, died after a year in prison.

The UNA was formed on 31 July 2002 by ethnic parties that had won seats in the 1990 elections.

The paper forecasted that there is no way the country under military rule will become “a modern and developed nation” as envisaged by the military government.

It also hailed the federal draft charter submitted by the exiled National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) to the National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB) in March 1996 as in line with the 1961 federal proposal submitted by the ethnic representatives at the Shan State capital Taunggyi.

The NCGUB, according to the paper, had called for:

* A federal union made up of “national states” and “nationalities states”
* Equal power between the upper and lower legislative houses
* Equal representation for each state in the upper house
* Provision of “Exclusive Legislative Powers” of the federal asembly and “Concurrent Legislative Powers” of the member states

The Opposition since then has already drawn another draft based on the principles of federalism.

READ MORE---> Paper worth 20-year prison sentence released...

Tuesday, September 23, 2008

Leaked Document Reveals Burma’s US Policy

By WAI MOE
The Irrawaddy News

Burma’s military leaders know they cannot stand alone in the world, but will react according to each situation with a view to balancing their relations with the world’s superpowers, said Home Affairs Minister Maj-Gen Maung Oo at a meeting of his ministers in July.

According to a confidential document acquired recently by The Irrawaddy detailing the minutes of a July 6 meeting, Home Ministry officials were briefed on relations with the United States, China and Indonesia, as well as the junta’s policy toward the 2010 elections, the National League for Democracy (NLD) and how the junta would react to future demonstrations.

According to the leaked minutes of the meeting, Maj-Gen Maung Oo told Home Ministry officials that in reaction to the global influence of the US and the West, Burma would continue to pursue “strong relations” with China, but that didn't mean that the junta was pro-Beijing. “In the modern world, we cannot stand alone,” Maung Oo reportedly said.

The leaked document also revealed that the regime plans to deploy riot police in the event of future protests or civil unrest.

“The international community criticized us for using the armed forces to crack down on [last September’s] demonstrators,” the home minister is quoted as saying. “Therefore we need to reorganize our riot police.”

He also warned officials to be prepared for the coming elections in 2010.

On foreign policy, Maung Oo criticized the US for “using humanitarian issues and democracy as a policy to overthrow governments that it disliked.”

Maung Oo slammed the US for using the UN and the “Responsibility to Protect” paradigm as part of an agenda to accuse the Burmese government of “Crimes against Humanity.” He also said the UN and associate international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) were “puppets” of the US and the CIA.

According to the minutes of the meeting, Maung Oo forewarned his subordinates of the possibility of a third UN Security Council resolution on Burma and subsequent economic sanctions and an embargo.

“In the event of a third presidential statement,” Maung Oo said. “There could be a resolution that the 192 members of the UN will have to follow—led by the US.”

According to the 14-page document, Maung Oo went on to accuse the US, the UN and INGOs of pushing Burma to the top of their agendas. On the Cyclone Nargis disaster, the home minister accused US relief items of providing aid to the victims “just for show” and said the US only delivered drinking water, instant noodles and medicine.

The minister is reported to have accused international aid agencies of spending humanitarian aid money on themselves and not on the cyclone victims.

We told them to send construction materials instead of instant food,” Maung Oo continued. “But nobody did.”

He also expressed the regime's skepticism and resentment that aid was not delivered through government channels, so the authorities could not see what was being delivered.

Regarding the US naval ships’ inability to deliver aid to cyclone survivors in the Irrawaddy delta, Maung Oo is reported as saying that the Burmese junta denied the request because the regime believed the US military would find an excuse not to leave until after the 2010 elections.

He also pointed out that although the Burmese government calculated that about US $11.7 billion was needed in relief after Cyclone Nargis, the Tripartite Core Group—comprising the UN, Asean and the Burmese regime—only approved about $0.9 billion in aid, which was 12 times the difference of the junta’s calculations.

The ministry’s minutes of the July 6 meeting also make reference to the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD). Maung Oo reportedly said the regime was “not scared” of the opposition winning the election, but said that they would have to be careful because the party was backed by the US, British and French embassies.

According to the leaked document, the home minister also referred to the diplomatic standoff between Burma and Indonesia. He reportedly confirmed that there were currently no relations between the two countries at an ambassadorial level and that the first step was for the Indonesian parliament to endorse Burma's ambassador to Jakarta.

READ MORE---> Leaked Document Reveals Burma’s US Policy...

Saturday, June 7, 2008

Defector spills the beans on the 1998 massacre - Aung Lin Htut

Defect or Opens Up 7 Jun 08

READ MORE---> Defector spills the beans on the 1998 massacre - Aung Lin Htut...

Burma: Than Shwe 'ordered troops to execute villagers'

June 7, 2008
Richard Lloyd Parry, Asia Editor
Times Online

The leader of the Burmese junta, Than Shwe, personally ordered the murder of scores of unarmed villagers and Thai fishermen, according to a senior diplomat and military intelligence officer who defected to America.

Aung Lin Htut, formerly the deputy chief of mission at the Burmese Embassy in Washington, described to a radio station how 81 people, including women and children, were shot and buried on an isolated island after straying into a remote military zone in the southeast of the country in 1998.

After one general hesitated to kill the civilians, fearing that the commander who had given the order was drunk, he was informed that it came from “Aba Gyi” or “Great Father” – the term used to refer to Senior General Than Shwe, the head of the junta.

A few days later troops from the same military base captured a Thai fishing boat that had strayed close to Christie Island in the Mergui Archipelago. The 22 fishermen on board were also shot and buried on the island. “I was a witness to the two incidents in which a total of about 81 people were killed,” Mr Aung Lin Htut, formerly a major in military intelligence, told the Burmese language service of Voice of America. “All of them were unarmed civilians.” In 46 years of military rule in Burma, there have been numerous reports of grave human rights violations but few have been attested by so well placed a source as Mr Aung Lin Htut. They come at a time when General Than Shwe and his regime are coming under scrutiny, after their refusal to allow a full scale relief operation for the victims of Cyclone Nargis.

The French Government has said that it comes close to being a “crime against humanity”, and last week Robert Gates, the US Defence Secretary, called it “criminal neglect”. If a tribunal like the ones established for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia is ever created for Burma, then Mr Aung Lin Htut will doubtless be called to give evidence.

He sought asylum in the US in 2005, along with six members of his family, after a purge against the country’s prime minister and intelligence chief of the time by General Than Shwe destroyed the careers of a generation of intelligence officers. Given the control of information in Burma, his account is impossible to verify. But it has credibility because it is the first time since his defection that Mr Aung Lin Htut has made any public comment on his former masters.

In May 1998 he was stationed on Zadetkyi island, a frontline base close to Burma’s maritime border with Thailand. The commander of the base was Colonel Zaw Min, who is now Minister for Electric Power and general secretary of the Union Solidarity and Development Association, the junta’s grassroots organisation.

A unit led by the colonel landed on Christie Island and found 59 people living there to gather wood and bamboo, in violation of Burmese law. The order came back from headquarters that they were to be “eliminated”.

Myint Swe, an air force general, said that he was a religious person, and that the matter should be handled delicately. He said that he was very concerned by the timing of the elimination order – just after lunch, a time when General Maung Aye, now the number two in the junta, was usually drunk.

READ MORE---> Burma: Than Shwe 'ordered troops to execute villagers'...

Wednesday, June 4, 2008

National campaign for food and freedom

We Burma Medical Association concerned Burmese Physicians and Professionals and the undersigned organisations are extremely worried over the worsening health of political prisoner Myo Yan Naung Thein and we unanimously call for SPDC to immediately provide urgent medical attention on humanitarian grounds.

Immediate Release Myo Yan Naung Thein

READ MORE---> National campaign for food and freedom...

Tuesday, January 15, 2008

One on One With Burma

Prashanth Parameswaran
January 14, 2008

Under secretary of State R. Nicholas Burns's proposals for action in Burma [op-ed, Jan. 8] are archaic and unconstructive. He said sanctions will continue, but experience suggests they undermine U.S. objectives.

Western sanctions against Rangoon in the 1990s crippled an already ravaged economy, forcing it further into the dangerous nexus of prostitution, drugs and organized crime. The economic vacuum was happily filled by China and others.

Mr. Burns was also far too idealistic on the "broad national dialogue" he wishes to achieve with China, India and ASEAN nations, which have shown no unity on Burma. Unless it is politically pressured or furious at the junta, China is unlikely to change.

The United States must start bilateral negotiations with Burma now.

Source: Washington Post

READ MORE---> One on One With Burma...

KNU and Regime Trade Charges Over Bomb Attacks

By Wai Moe
The Irrawaddy News
January 14, 2008

The Burmese regime and the Karen National Union (KNU) have traded accusations of responsibility for three bomb attacks over the past three days.

Two people died and several were injured in the attacks in Rangoon, Naypyidaw and Pyu in Pegu Division.

In separate reports on the attacks, the regime’s mouthpiece, The New Light of Myanmar, blamed “terrorist saboteurs” from abroad and a KNU “insurgent.” It said the accused “insurgent” had died while planting the Pyu bomb.

KNU spokesman David Taw denied the organization had anything to do with the attacks. Only military personnel with experience of explosives could plant such devices, he told The Irrawaddy.

“When something [like this] happens in Burma, they [the junta] accuse dissident groups, such as the KNU, the SSA [Shan State Army-South], the KNPP [Karenni National Progressive Party], based on the Thai-Burmese border,” Taw said.

The junta had been unable to track down those responsible for previous bomb attacks, he said—“then we are easily accused.”

The first bomb exploded last Friday at the main railway station of Naypyidaw, the Burmese capital. One woman died in the blast.

A second bomb exploded on Friday at a football ground in Pyu Township, near the site of a circus.

The third bomb exploded near the ticket office of Rangoon’s main railway station on Sunday. The New Light of Myanmar reported that a 73-year-old woman was injured by the blast, although an eyewitness said at least two people had been hurt.

The New Light Myanmar said: “Terrorist saboteurs have been sent into the nation across the border together with explosives to perpetrate destructive acts under the scheme of a group from abroad.” It did not name the accused group.

In its report on the Pyu bomb, The New Light of Myanmar said: “A KNU insurgent, [aged] about 25, was killed when the bomb he was planting to detonate exploded prematurely. People nearby seized a US-made 0.22 revolver in a holster [and] 20 rounds of ammunition.”

The New Light of Myanmar claimed the dead man was a member of the KNA’s Third Brigade.

The KNU has been fighting for half a century for autonomy for Karen State. It is the only major ethnic rebel group not to have agreed to a ceasefire with the junta.

In May, 2005, a series of bombs exploded in two supermarkets and a convention center in Rangoon, with an official toll of 19 dead and 162 injured. It’s thought that the real toll is higher.

Information Minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan claimed at a Rangoon press conference: that it was “crystal clear” that the perpetrators and the bombs “originated from training conducted with foreign experts at a place in a neighboring country by a world-famous organization of a certain superpower nation.” The “certain superpower nation” was understood to be the US and the “world famous organization” consequently the CIA.

Analysts said the attacks could only have been carried out by well-trained operatives. Some believed that since the ouster of military intelligence chief Gen Khin Nyunt in October 2004, enemies of the junta had been planning to take advantage of internal conflicts and possible security lapses.Rescued Document/Original Link not longer active:
http://paraussies.blogspot.com/2008/01/knu-and-regime-trade-charges-over-bomb.html

READ MORE---> KNU and Regime Trade Charges Over Bomb Attacks...

Burmese Boxers fight for survival in Thailand

Sourced from: Sit Mone - Watch Video
Original Source: Aljazeera News
January 14, 2008


Harsh conditions in Myanmar result in residents crossing the border into Thailand in search of a better life.

One of the ways for young men to make money is to put their bodies on the line in boxing contests.
Rescued Document/ Original Link no longer active:
http://paraussies.blogspot.com/2008/01/burmese-boxers-fight-for-survival-in.html

READ MORE---> Burmese Boxers fight for survival in Thailand...

Junta Incapable of Managing The Power Supply

NOTE: IF COPYING THIS NEWS PLEASE CREDIT THE TRANSLATOR

Original Source: Thet Naig - Democratic Voice of Burma
Translated: Nay Chi U - Who is Who in Burma
12 January 2008


Ordinary civilians who live in the towns of Magwe' Division such as Pakkoku and Ye' Sagyo are suffering because the power supplies have been cut from 6 hours a day to just one night every 3 days, it is reported.

Business owners, who can't afford to buy a generator, have had their businesses come to a halt. Consequently, labourers who depend on their daily income are in deep trouble and the local factories which produce daily goods are struggling to survive.

"Snack shops need their batter mixed daily so they just have to close the shop on the days that they can't get the electricity. Small factories producing scented candles, thanaka (Burmese natural make up, made from trees)etc., all suffer too as they rely on the regular reliable power supply."

Some manufacturers who can afford generators also found that business is not profitable as the fuel prices have gone up so steeply.

"With normal power supply, our products can be sold for K 500/- each but with generator power we have to charge K1000/- for the same goods at least. We have employed workers but they are just having non-working days most of the time. Since we have a hire contract, we still have to pay them their daily fees, and we are losing a lot," said one employer.

Every other area in Burma has similar problems as the power supply 'services' have been gradually going from bad to worse, and now virtually non-existent, since the military government took over the country in 1962. The leading generals changed - from Nay Win to Khin Nyunt to now Than Shwe. Names of the ruling bodies changed - from Socialist Government to SLORC to now SPDC. However none, after all these years, has ever been able to muster the competence, to manage to supply the country with the sufficient electric power.

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HIV patients living in South Dagon are developing depression

NOTE: IF COPYING THIS NEWS PLEASE CREDIT THE TRANSLATOR

Original Source : Than Htike Oo - Mizzima Burmese News
Translated : Smile Su - Art of Patience FREE BURMA's Team
January 14, 2008


HIV patients from two houses (Township 18 and 20) opening in South Dagon are now developing depression after their respectful Ma Phyu Phyu Thin has gone into hiding five months ago.

"She is a warm and kind person to HIV patients," said one patient Ma Nu Nu Tun Wai Shein. She added, "She wants to see and speak to Ma Phyu Phyu Thin who is missing now."

All of the HIV patients from the houses are expecting Ma Phyu Phyu Thin's return and some of them died while waiting for her return.

Another HIV male patient said, "Ma Phyu Phyu Thin helped them all with their needs, took them to the hospitals, organise the drugs, cared for them all by herself. She dealt with accommodation and financial problems, now they are finding difficulties because of her absence.

Since last August 2007, she led the Yangon demonstration for commodity high prices. She has gone into hiding because Junta follow her. She took responsibility for two houses in South Dagon Township since 2002 and over (1800) patients from the whole country could obtain drugs until now. Last year, HIV patients (600) received health care directly from the houses and other (40) patients from rural were supported with ARV drugs.

Ma Phyu Phyu Thin's coworker, Ko Yarzar said, "Usually, most of them rely on her psychologically, three of them have already died". Before she went missing she received donations for drug expenses from her friends and private donors. Now the center finds itself under financial stress and other difficulties.

Ma Phyu Phyu Thin's sister, Ma Sabei Oo said, "the situation is not the same as before. The rest of the staff can do very little, supplying drugs, taking blood samples etc. they are not trained to help out with a wide range of daily tasks."

AZG clinic from RSF and Wabargi from North Okkala are famous for providing ARV drugs. Since the Junta closed the Meggin monastery HIV patients could not get health care.

According to UN AIDS records, there are over 360,000 HIV infected persons in Myanmar and Ministry of Health use only US$100,000 for HIV preventing projects. That amount is (250) times less than for each person to get medical care in comparison with Thailand.

READ MORE---> HIV patients living in South Dagon are developing depression...

Monday, January 14, 2008

Singapore Permanent Residence, A gateway to Singapore Regional Market

Unrelated to Burma but useful to Burmeses in Singapore

Becoming a Permanent Resident in Singapore would mean reaping real benefits. Larger savings in the form of CPF contributions, subsidies for education, and advantaged healthcare are to name a few. Read on to know how you can claim the Singapore promise of quality LIVE, WORK and PLAY.

Becoming a Permanent Resident in Singapore would mean reaping real benefits. Larger savings in the form of CPF contributions, subsidies for education, and advantaged healthcare are to name a few. Read on to know how you can claim the Singapore promise of quality LIVE, WORK and PLAY.

Singapore continues to welcome immigrants who can identify with way of life here and whose diverse talents can contribute to the vibrancy and viability of the country. An annual average of 36,000 people has been granted permanent residence status over the last ten years - that is from 1996 to 2006. Last year alone, about 57000 PR’s were conferred. Singapore welcomes deserving talents with open arms and consultancies of caliber as Rikvin offer seamless service to make the immigration process a cakewalk.

Singapore Permanent Residence

It is common for foreigners who have experienced Singapore life to seek the status of Permanent Residence here. The country hosts a kind of environment healthy for both work and play, making it a more attractive place to live in.

Singapore offers several options for those who aspire to be Singapore Permanent Residents (PRs) or Singapore Citizens (SCs). The Singapore government adjusted the requirements accordingly to ensure that new PRs and SCs fit the relevant profile.

An applicant can seek PR status under the following grounds:

  • Scheme for Professional/Technical Personnel/Skilled Workers Permanent Residents (PR) status under the Professionals,
  • Technical Personnel & Skilled Workers Scheme (PTS) is conferred to those who have secured employment in Singapore prior to PR application.
  • They should also hold an Employment Pass (P or Q Pass).
  • Applicants must be below 50 years of age.
  • The spouse and unmarried children (below 21 years of age) of a PR may also apply for PR status.
  • Applicants under this scheme will be assessed by a Points System,
    • which takes into account the type of employment pass,
    • duration of stay in Singapore,
    • academic qualifications,
    • basic monthly salary,
    • age,
    • kinship ties in Singapore.
Scheme for InvestorsForeigners interested in starting up a business or wishing to invest in Singapore, may apply for Permanent Residence (PR) status for themselves and their immediate family (spouse and unmarried children 21 years of age and below) under the Investor Scheme, by choosing one of the following options: ▫
  • Invest at least S$1 million in a new business startup or

  • expansion of an existing business operation
  • Invest at least $1.5 million in a new business startup, expansion of an existing operation, approved Singapore-incorporated venture capital fund or Singapore-incorporated foundation or trust that focuses on economic development
  • Invest at least $2 million in a new business startup, expansion of an existing operation, approved Singapore-incorporated venture capital fund or Singapore-incorporated foundation or trust that focuses on economic development. Residential property can be purchased with not more than 50% of the investment amount
Under this scheme, the entrepreneurial track record, the business or investment plan and skills will be considered in granting PR.

Landed Permanent Residence

Those who have acceptable professional or tertiary qualifications, are working in professional, managerial or specialist jobs and are interested in relocating to Singapore but are currently not working in Singapore can apply for Landed Permanent Residence.

A LPR is valid for up to 2 years within which the holder must find a suitable employment or relocate their families to Singapore. PR will be granted once employment is secured or the family has relocated to Singapore.

Singapore Permanent Resident Status under Foreign Artistic Talent Scheme Foreign artistic talents in art, photography, dance, music, theatre, literature and film may apply for Singapore Permanent Resident Status under Foreign Artistic Talent Scheme. This Scheme is jointly administered by the Singapore Immigration and the National Arts Council (NAC).

Eligible foreign talents should have received formal training and /or have relevant working experience and have already established a reputation both at home and abroad. Applicants have to send a application along with resume and relevant testimonials to NAC which on perusal will send a PR application form deserving candidates. On receiving the completed form NAC will recommend the applicant to the Singapore Immigration for its decision. Approved-in-Principle (AIP) PR Scheme This scheme provides a 5-year approval-in-principle PR to successful Hong Kong applicants. Holders can obtain Permanent Residence status if they secure employment or relocate their family to Singapore within the 5 years validity period. Hong Kong residents who satisfy certain guidelines can apply for permanent residence. The following categories of foreigners are also eligible to apply:
  • Spouse and unmarried children (below 21 years old) of a Singapore Citizen (SC)/Permanent Resident (SPR);
  • Aged parents of a Singapore Citizen;
For foreign investors who are interested in the application of Singapore Permanent Residence (“PR”), Rikvin can assist with application of Permanent Residence. Rikvin has an Advisory Team to answer your queries on the areas of eligibility criteria or application procedures and assist you with the needed requirements. You can call Rikvin at (65) 6438 8887 to discuss specific requirements obligation-free. Alternatively, email enquires can be forwarded to info@rikvin.com.

Rikvin consultancy started in 1995 is an incorporation specialist specializing in company incorporation, registration and administration processing for all business types and sizes in Singapore and throughout the world. Its highly professional company incorporation services are both in attractive standard packages as well as customized parcels. It facilitates foreign entrepreneurs’ immigration into Singapore by assisting in obtaining Entre-pass for themselves and their families and employment pass for their employees. Rikvin also provides a full range of accounting services for companies who require a complete and properly constructed set of financial statements for their business purposes. Visit http://www.rikvin.com for further information.

Source: India PR Wire
Dec 17, 2007

Rescued Document/ Original Link no longer active:
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READ MORE---> Singapore Permanent Residence, A gateway to Singapore Regional Market...

SECURITY ALERT

Sourced: Ko Moe Thee Golden Colour Revolution
January 13 , 2008


We heard SPDC is secretly negotiating with Chinese and Thai phone companies to trace the signals of phones inside Burma. They are giving them lucrative contracts in return for providing SPDC the location of the signals.

Anybody using the phones originated by Thai or Chinese phone companies should be careful.

Use only when necessary and use the phone only 1-2 minutes ( I do not know the exact time SPDC needs to trace a call).

They are also trying to hack gmail accounts. So, change your password frequently.

READ MORE---> SECURITY ALERT...

Soldier, What will you do after you join the Myanmar Army

Junta give social award to those who hit the people

Original Source: Ko Htike (photo) - undisclosed
Translated: Smile Su - Art of Patience FREE BURMA Team
January 14, 2008

Swan Arr Shin Naing Tun, living in Lanmadaw township, was being awarded third prize because he led well to hit the monks and people in September attack.

He shares the money and protects the beauty salon named "Than Sin", which is at No. 69, 2nd floor, 14th Street, Lanmadaw Township. The beauty salon houses call girls (ladies of bad reputation).

READ MORE---> Soldier, What will you do after you join the Myanmar Army...

'88 Burmese Resisters Aid Countrymen From Abroad

Nora Boustany
December 8, 2007

Student leaders who fled Burma after the 1988 pro-democracy uprising are raising money to help boost a resistance movement that is demanding political rights and lower prices on commodities in the country, according to a board member of Refugees International, a Washington-based organization.

Eileen Shields-West, who recently spent several days in the Thai town of Mae Sot, just three miles from the Burmese border, said relief workers shared stories about the Buddhist monks who escaped the military crackdown this fall.

Many of the monks reached safety by floating down the Moei River at night on inner tubes.

To evade government troops, one monk bleached his new crop of hair blond, shed his saffron robes and started wearing a crucifix after pictures of him were distributed and his mother was kidnapped, Shields-West said.

The monk is now seeking political asylum, said Dawn Calabia, a senior adviser to Refugees International who accompanied Shields-West to the Burmese border area last month.

But the number of dissidents streaming out of the country has been much smaller than it was in 1988, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, based in Thailand.

The reason, Shields-West said, "is that people are waiting, staying in Burma and eager to try again. The protests lasted longer this time; they were more powerful and closer to turning the tide."

"People will never forgive or forget what happened this time, because they saw monks being mistreated," Shields-West said.

"In the eyes of civilians, none of this will be forgotten, so they believe there will be another uprising," she added.

Life is so harsh in Burma that citizens and even military personnel travel to settlement camps in border areas and Thailand for medical treatment, Shields-West said.

Burma's military killed far more than the 10 victims it says died in its September crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators, a Human Rights Watch report said Friday; a U.N. investigator documented at least 31 dead.

Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, the U.N. investigator, said that "credible sources" reported that a large number of bodies were burned in the last days of September.

Based on hundreds of interviews with witnesses in Burma and Thailand, Human Rights Watch determined that security forces had "shot into the crowds using live ammunition and rubber bullets, beat marchers and monks before dragging them onto trucks and arbitrarily detained thousands of people."

"The crackdown in Burma is far from over," said Brad Adams, the group's Asia director.

Source: Washington Post

READ MORE---> '88 Burmese Resisters Aid Countrymen From Abroad...

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